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Full text of "Lady Anne Clifford, Countess of Dorset, Pembroke & Montgomery, 1590-1676. Her life, letters and work, extracted from all the original documents available, many of which are here printed for the first time"

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Lady Anne Clifford. 



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Cornell University Library 
DA 378.P39W72 1922 

Udy Anne qiMtaffla^^ 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 





















Baton Ibotbfielb 



















List of Illustrations . . 



. . 


Chapter I. 




The Clifford Family . . 



The father and mother of Lady Anne Clifford 



The two Uttle boys (Francis and Robert Clifford) 



The two last Earls of Cumberland . . 



The early days of Lady Anne CUfford 



Lady Anne Clifford's first marriage and life at Knole 



Lady Anne's letters to her mother . . 






Lady Anne Clifford's second marriage and Ufe at 



Lady Anne succeeds to her estates . . 



Another bundle of letters 



Lady Anne's guests at her northern castles 



Her record of public events . . 



The last few months of Lady Anne's life . . 



The Walpole letter 



The character and habits of Lady Anne . . 



The mysterious dedication . . 



The Great Picture at Appleby Castle 



Portraits of Lady Anne Clifford 



The Great Diary 



The almshouses at Appleby and Beamsley 



The Countess's pillar . . 



The Sheriffwick 



The Tombs 



Table of Contents. 





Skipton Castle . . 

Lady Anne's five great castles — Appleby, Brough, 
Brougham, Pendragon and Barden Tower 

The De CUfford barony 

Sackville College 

Cliffords Inn . . 


Pedigree of Lady Anne's family and Descendants 

Pedigree of the Tufton family. Earls of Thanet, showing the descent 

of the Earldom 
Pedigree showing the descent of the various Clifford baronies. 
Pedigree showing the descent of the original Clifford barony to the 

present day ' . . 
Documents : — 

I. Summary of the will of George, Earl of Cumberland, 19 October, 


II. Summary of the will of Margaret, Countess of Cumberland 

dated April 27th, 1616 

III. Summary of the will of the Earl of Dorset, 26 March, 1624 

IV. Summary of the will of the Earl of Pembroke, i May, 1649 
V. Summary of the will of Lady Anne Clifford . . 

VI. The King's award under the Great Seal 
VII. A catalogue of the household and family of the Earl of Dorset 
at Knole, 1613 — 1624 

VIII. List of births, marriages and deaths of Lady Anne's descend 
ants, recorded by her in her Diary 
IX. List of the members for Appleby, 1640 — 1702 
X. The Proceedings in the House of Peers in 1627 relative to Lady 

Anne's claim to the barony of Clifford or De Clifford 
XI. Mrs. Southwell's case as to the barony of De CUfford . . 
XII. A letter from Mrs. Southwell, 25 October, 1758 

XIII. The inscriptions in full upon the Great Picture 

XIV. The odd pages that have been discovered of Lady Anne's 

account book of 1673 
XV. The dedication in full by Anthony Stafford of his Niobe, Part 

II, 161 1, as addressed to Lady Anne 
XVI. A note concerning the armour of George, earl of Cumberland 

preserved at Appleby Castle 
Bibliography . . 

Memoranda of occurences during printing 


















Frontispiece. — The Great Picture at Appleby Castle. 

From a photograph by Gray from the original. 

Plate I. To face page 6. 

Shap Abbey : the old burial place of the Veteripont family. 
From a photograph kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Curwen. 
Clifford Castle. 

From a photograph kindly taken for me by Mrs. Leigh Spencer. 
Portrait of Eleanor Brandon, Countess of Cumberland. 

From a photograph, by permission of Dr. Cust and the Walpole Society. 

Original belongs to Captain Bruce Vernon Wentworth. 

Plate 2. .^ To face page 7. 

A Pedigree from one of the three great volumes, giving the descendants 
of Lady Anne. 

Plate 3. . . . . To face page 26. 

Holograph Letter from Lord Cumberland to his wife, 6 February, 1589, 

concerning the birth of Lady Anne, from the Hothfield papers at 

Appleby Castle. 
Portrait of George, Earl of Cumberland, on a unique Silver Plaque 

in the Coin Room of the British Museum. 

From an engraving made from the plaque, by permission of the authorities 

of the Museum. 
Holograph Letter from Eleanor, Countess of Cumberland to her husband, 

14th February, 1540. 

From the original in the Hothfield papers at Appleby Castle. 
Lady Anne's Silver Medal. 

From the very fare original. 

Plate 4. . . . . . . • . . • . ■ • • To face page 27. 

Portrait of Margaret, Countess of Cumberland. Lady Anne's 
mother, at the age of twenty-five, by an unknown painter. 
From a photograph by Emery Walker, from the original in the National 
Portrait Gallery. 

Plate 5. To face page 32. 

Facsimile of Lord Cumberland's last penitent letter to his wife, 
written shortly before his death. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield 
papers at Appleby Castle. 

viii. List of Illustrations. 

Plate 6. To face page 36. 

Portrait of Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, Lady Anne's mother, 
by an unknown artist. 
From a photograph by Gray, from the original, hanging at Hothfield Place. 

Plate 7. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. To face page 76 . 

Holograph Letter from Lady Shrewsbury to Margaret, Countess of 
Cumberland, concerning the death of Lady Arabella Stuart, 8th Dec- 
ember, 1 615. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield 
MSS. at Appleby Castle. 

Tomb of Edmund Spenser in Westminster Abbey, erected by Lady Anne 
in 1620, rebuilt in 1778. 
Part of a photograph by Mansell. 

Plate 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 77 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne at the age of fifteen, to her mother, 

Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, August, 1605. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield MSS. 

at Appleby Castle. 
Two Views of Skipton Castle. 

From two early water-colours. 

Plate 9 To face page 80. 

Portrait of Richard Sackville, Third Earl of Dorset (Lady Anne's 
first husband), after an engraving by Simon de Pass. 
From a photograph by Leonardson from the original in the Cracherode 
Collection at the British Museum. 

Holograph Letter from Lord Dorset to his wife, with reference to her 
estates, October 6th, 1617. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield MSS. 
at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 10 To face page 81. 

Representation of Knole House, from an engraving by Kip. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original, lent by Mr. C. 
Phillips, of Sevenoaks. 

Plate II .. .. .. .. ,. .. .. To face page 122. 

Title-Page and Final Song from the very rare book " Ayres that were 
sung and played at Brougham Castle," 1618. 
From photographs by Leonardson from the original in the British Museum. 

List of Illustrations. ix. 

Plate 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 123. 

Pedigree of the Family of St. John of Bletso. In MS. and colour, 
found amongst the documents at Skip ton Castle, and presented to 
Lady Anne by her cousin Lady Barrington, in 1629. 
From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield MSS. 
then at Skipton Castle, now at Appleby Castle, 

Plate 13 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 150. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to her mother, concerning her 
miniature and returning certain keys, i8th June, 161 5. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to her mother, sending her a New 
Year's gift, 1615. 

Letter signed by Lord Dorset, the last he wrote to his wife, dated 26th 
March, 1624, the very day of his death. 

All three from photographs by Leonardson from the originals in the 
Hothfield MSS. at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 151. 

Lady Anne's Holograph Letter to her uncle, the Earl of Bedford, 
14th June, 1638. 

From a photograph by Macbeth, from the original in the MS. Room of 
the British Museum. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to her cousin, Sir John Lowther, 
from Baynard's Castle, October 14th, 1646. 

From the original in the Lowther MSS., by kind permission of the Earl 
of Lonsdale. 

Plate 15 . . . . To face page 164. 

View of Wilton House, Salisbury, by permission of the Earl of Pembroke 
and Montgomery. 
From a photograph by Jukes. 

View of Baynard's Castle, circa 1649. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the engraving by Wise in the 
Crace Collection in the British Museum. 

Portrait of Philip Herbert, fourth Earl of Pembroke, and first Earl of 
Montgomery, Lady Anne's second husband. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the engraving by R. van Voerst, 
after Van Dyck, from the original in the Cracherode Collection in the 
British Museum. 

X. List of Illustrations. 

Plate 16 To face page 165. 

Views of Buckhurst and Bollbroke, after etchings by Letitia Bume, 
London, 1810. 
From photographs by Leonardson from the originals in the British Museum. 

Three Portraits of Lady Catherine Cavendish, afterwards Countess 

of Thanet, 

From portraits at Welbeck Abbey, by kind permission of the Duke of 


Plate 17. To face page 190. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to her cousin Sir John Lowther, 

written from Baynard's CastJe, 4th April, 1644. 

A Similar Letter, from the same place, dated 20th of September, 1645. 
Both from the originals in the Lowther MSS. at Lowther Castle, by kind 
permission of the Earl of Lonsdale. 

Plate 18. To face page 191. 

Lady Anne's copy of the authorisation and appointment as Sheriff in her 
stead of Sir Richard Sandford, while she was unable to exercise the 
dignity herself. Dated the 7th of August, 1647, with endorsements 
in her own handwriting. 

Lady Anne's Holograph Letter to Mr. Christopher Marsh, from Apple- 
by, 4th January, 1649, with her endorsement thereon. 
From the originals in the Lowther documents, by kind permission of the 
Earl of Lonsdale. 

All the photographs of the Lowther documents for this book have been 
made by the Oxford University Press. 

Plate 19. . . . . . ■ . . . . ■ ■ . . To face page 202. 

Lady Anne's Power of Attorney, executed by herself and sealed, and 
witnessed also by Gabetis, Edge and Sedgwick. Dated October, 1652. 
From a photograph by the Oxford Universiry Press, from the original in 
the Hothfield MSS., then at Skipton, now at Appleby Castle. 

Autograph Letter from Lady Anne to Mr. Christopher Marsh, partly in 
George Sedgwick's writing, and partly in that of Lady Anne. Nov- 
ember 3rd, 1653. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original in the Hothfield 
MSS. at Appleby Castle, 
Plate 20. . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 203. 

Various Views of Collin Field, near Kendal, the residence of George 
Sedgwick, Lady Anne's secretary, showing the staircase, the entrance 
porch, the carved cupboard, and the lock presented to him by Lady 
All from photographs kindly taken for me by Mrs. Paul Mason. 

List of Illustrations. xi. 

Plate 21. To face page 214. 

Lady Anne's Holograph Letter to the Countess of Kent, loth of January, 
1649. With the receipt in the handwriting of Edge endorsed upon it. 
From a photograph by Macbeth, from the original in the MS. Room of the 
British Miiseum. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to Mr. Christopher Marsh, 25th of 
December, 1649. 

Both from photographs by Leonardson from the originals in the Hoth- 
field MSS. at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 22. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 215. 

Holograph Letter from Lady Anne to Mr. Christopher Marsh. April 
19th, 1649. 

A Similar Letter from Lady Anne to the same person, 25th of March, 1650. 
Both from photographs by Leonardson, from the originals in the Hothfield 
MSS. at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 23. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 294. 

Autograph Letter from Lady Anne to Lord Arlington concerning Sir 
Joseph Williamson, February 6th, 1668. 

Part of a Letter to Lady Thanet, covering a copy of Lady Anne's letter 
to Lord Arlington, January, 1668. 

Plate 24. To face page 295. 

Autograph Letter from Lady Anne to Sir George Fletcher, concerning 
the election in Appleby. January 17th, 1668 

Autograph Letter from Lady Anne to Sir Joseph WiUiamson, January 
i6th, 1667. 

The foregoing four illustrations are from photographs by Monger from the 
originals in the Public Record Office, by permission of the authorities. 

Plate 25. To face page 306. 

The Great Lock at Rose Castle, Carlisle, dated 1673, and given to the 
Bishop of Carlisle by Lady Anne. 
From a photograph by Mr. Linnaeus E. Hope, F.L.S. 

Two Views of Ninekirks Church, near Brougham Castle, Exterior and 

The first from a photograph by Mrs. Paul Mason, the second from a 
photograph by Mr. W. L. Fletcher of Workington, 

The Porch of Mallerstang Church, showing the tablet over the door, 
prepared by Lady Anne. 

From a photograph kindly taken by Mrs. Paul Masson. 

xii. List of Illustrations. 

Plate 26. To face page 307. 

Thanet House, Aldersgate Street, afterwards known as Shaftesbury 

Two Views, one from a pencil drawing, and the other from an engraving, 
when the house was used as a lying-in hospital. 

Thanet House, Great Russell Street, the residence of the Earl of 
Thanet, after the house in Aldersgate Streeet had been given up. 
All three from -photographs by Leonardson. From the originals in the 
Grace Collection in the British Museum. 

Plate 27. To face page 332. 

First Pages of the Dedication to Lady Anne of Anthony Stafford's 
Niobe, Part II. , 1611. From the damaged copy in the Bodleian Library. 
From photographs by the Oxford University Press. 

Complete Pages of the same book, from the unique copy of the work at 
one time in the Huth Library. 
The volume is now in the Harmsworth Collection. 
From photographs by Gray, taken at Messrs. Sotheby's sale rooms, by 
permission of Mr. Huth. 

Plate 28. To face page 333. 

Views of Snape Castle and Street House, alluded to in Lady Anne's 

The former from a photograph by the Rev. J. Redmayne of Well, the latter 
from a photograph by C. J. Hare, of Aiskew. 

Plate 29. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 346. 

A Miniature Portrait of Lady Anne Clifford when a child, by David des 
Granges, belonging to Lord de Clifford, and now in the care of Mrs. 
Arthur Stock. 

Miniature, representing Lady Anne as Countess of Dorset, by an unknown 
artist, probably Oliver, belonging to Lord de Clifford, and now in the 
care of Mrs. Arthur Stock. 

Pearl Necklace and Pearl earrings, which originally belonged to Lady 
Anne, now the property of Lord de CUfford, and in the care of Mrs. 
Arthur Stock. 
From photographs by Gray, taken by their special permission. 

Oil Painting, representing Lady Anne when a child. 

From a photograph by W. E. Gray, from the original at Appleby Castle. 

List of Illustrations. xiii. 

Plate 30. To face page 347. 

Portrait of Lady Anne as Countess of Pembroke, by Van Dyck, being a 
part of the large family group. 

Portrait of Lady Anne as Countess of Pembroke, by Dobson. 

Silver Medal, representing William, first Earl of Pembroke, bequeathed 
to her grandson by Lady Anne, by her will, dated May ist, 1674. 
All from photographs by Jukes from the originals at Wilton House, 
Salisbury, by permission of the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery. 

Plate 31. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 350. 

Portrait of Lady Anne in old age, by an unknown artist. 

From a photograph by Emery Walker of the original work at the National 
Portrait Gallery. 

Plate 32. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 352. 

Portrait of Lady Anne in old age, from the original portrait at Appleby 

The latest portrait of Lady Anne, done in extreme old age, from the 
fine original at Hothfield Place, once at Skipton Castle, by an unknown 
Both photographs by W. E. Gray. 

Plate 33. .. .. .. .. To face page 353 

Portrait of Lady Anne, from the original oil painting at Appleby Castle, 
representing her as Countess of Pembroke and Montgomery. Called 
on the picture " Countess of Dorset and Pembroke." 
Photographed by W. E. Gray. 

Portrait declared to represent Lady Anne, by an unknown painter, 
hanging at Woburn Abbey, by special permission of the Duke of 

Plate 34. To face page 358. 

Frontispiece to the first volume of the book of records, showing the 
Veteripont Pedigree and coat of arms. 

From photographs by Leonardson, from the original volume then at Hoth- 
field Place, now at Skipton Castie. 

Plate 35. To face page 359. 

Frontispiece to the second volume of the book of records, showing the 
pedigree and arms of the ancestors of Lady Anne. 
From a photograph by Leonardson, from the original then at Hothfield 
Place, now at Skipton Castle. 

xiv. List of Illustrations. 

Plate 36. To face page 360. 

A Page from the Volume of the great record, containing information 
concernimg Lady Anne. The line below the rule is in her own hand- 
From a photograph by Leonardson from the original at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 37. .... To face page 361. 

Two Pages from one of the great books of records, one giving an account 
of Lady Anne during her widowhood, and the other showing one of 
the documents copied into the great book, to wit, a chsirter of Eliza- 
beth, with a drawing of the Great Seal. 
From photographs by Leonardson, from the originals at Appleby Castle. 

Plate 38. To face page 372. 

An Illustration of the exterior of Beamsley Hospital, founded by 

Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, Lady Anne's mother. 

From a photograph by Smith. 
An Illustration of the interior Courtyard of the Hospital of St. 

Anne at Appleby, founded by Lady Anne 

From a photograph by Gray. 
An Illustration of the Interior of the chapel of the Hospital of St. 

Anne at Appleby. 

From a photograph by Gray. 

The Great Seal of the Hospital of St. Anne at Appleby. 

From a photograph by Leonardson, by kind permission of the Governors. 

Plate 39. To face page 391. 

The Countess's Pillar, near to Brougham Castle. 
From a photograph by W. E. Gray. 

Full length Oil Portrait of Margaret, Lady Cumberland, Lady Anne's 
mother, by an unknown painter. 

From a photograph by Gray of the original portrait hanging at Hothfield 

Plate 40. . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 404. 

View of the tomb of Henry, first Earl of Cumberland, and of Margaret 
Percy his wife, in Skipton Church. 
From a photograph by Smith. 

MS. giving the inscriptions on the tomb of Margaret, Countess of Cum- 

From a photograph by the Oxford University Press, from the original in 
the Hothfield MSS. at Appleby Castle. 

View of Skipton Castle. 

List of Illustrations. xv. 

Plate 41. To face page 405. 

Tomb of Francis, Lord Clifford, Lady Anne's brother, in Skipton 

Church, with representation of the brasses of arms and inscription 

upon it. 

From a photograph by Smith. 
A Tapestry-covered Chair at Skipton Castle, bearing upon it the arms 

of Anne Dacre, Countess of Cumberland, quartering Veteripont and 

ClifiEord and impaling Dacre. 

From a photograph hy Smith. 

Plate 42. To face page 408 

Photograph of the Tomb of George, Earl of Cumberland, in Skipton 


From a photograph by Smith. 
Representation of the Tomb of Lady Cumberland in Appleby Church. 

From a photograph by Hatton of Appleby. 

Plate 43. . . .... . . . . . . . . To face page 409. 

Letter from Lady Anne Clifford to her Father, written when a 
girl of 8 years old, on January 31st, 1598, the day succeeding her own 

Plate 44. . . To face page 416. 

Two Views of the Leadwork of 1686, erected at Skipton Castle by Lady 

The Entrance to Skipton Castle. 

A View of the Kitchen in the ancient part of Skipton Castle. 
The Old Lead Tank in the garden at Skipton Castle, erected by Lady 

Anne, and having upon it the arms of Clifford and Veteripoint. 

All from photographs by Smith of Skipton 

Plate 45. To face page 417 

The two Carved Panels from the door at Skipton Castle, representing : 
(i) The Arms of CUfford, 

(2) The Arms of England in the time of Henry VII. 
The Entrance to the Conduit Court at Skipton Castle. 
Two Views of the Carved Stones with Armorial Bearings in the Great 
Court, or Conduit Court, of Skipton Castle. 
All from photographs by Smith of Skipton. 

Plate 46. To face page 426, 

Lady Anne's Tomb in Appleby Church. 
Appleby Castle, showing the Round Tower. 
Both of these from photographs by W. E. Gray. 

xvi. List of Illustrations. 

Plate 47. To face page 427. 

Cesar's Tower, Appleby Castle. 

Lady Anne's Bee House, Appleby Castle. 

Both from photographs by W. E. Gray. 
Oak Chair, bearing initials and arms, which is believed to have belonged 

to Lady Anne, and 
BR0N7E Mortar, which was hers, and wliich bears upon it her own initials 

and the date. 

Both from photographs by G.C.W. 

Plate 48. To face page 430. 

Brough Castle. 

From a photograph by the late Dr. Abercrombie. 
Pendragon Castle. 

From a photograph kindly taken by Mrs. Paul Mason. 

Plate 49. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 431. 

Brougham Castle, and the Stone with the inscription upon it which 
was originally at Brougham Castle. 
Both from photographs by W. E. Gray. 

Plate 50. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 436. 

Barden Tower. The Exterior. 

The Great, or Conduit Courtyard at Skipton Castle. 
Plate 51. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 437. 

Barden Tower. The Exterior of the Church and House attached to 
the Ruins, and restored by Lady Anne. 
From a photograph supplied by Mrs. Lister. 

The Dining Room of the Retainer's House attached to Barden Tower, 
showing the oak roof restored by Lady Anne, and the battle-axe on 
the table, carried by the ancester of the present tenant, Mr. Lister, 
with Henry, Lord Clifford, at the Battle of Flodden Field, gth Decem- 
ber, 1513. 
From a photograph supplied by Mrs. Lister. 

The Bridge at Brougham Castle. 

From a photograph by Mr. W, Tuftoii. 

Plate 52. . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 450. 

Two Views of Sackville College, kindly lent me by the Warden, Mr. 
Frank C. Hill. 

Plate 53. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To face page 517. 

The Armour of George, Earl of Cumberland, father of Lady Anne, 
now preserved at Appleby Castle, and the gauntlet of Henry, Prince 
of Wales, which is with the armour. 

From photographs by W. E. Gray. 



I HAVE been familiar with the story of Lady Anne Clifford all my 
life, although, unfortunately, the school-book containing the 
first reference to her that came under my notice, referred to her 
defence of Skipton Castle, a story which has no historical basis. It 
was not, however, until I visited Westmoreland, that I realised how 
important Lady Anne Clifford had been in that part of the world, 
or understood the mark she had left upon her own districts there and 
in Craven. She was, perhaps, the first great lady, not of royal birth, 
who can be said to occupy a conspicuous place . in the history of 
English life and manners. She is, too, one of the few women land- 
owners whose memory amongst her own people has lasted fresh to 
the present day, and who is famiHarly spoken of, in this twentieth 
century, as though she had died but recently, and there might 
be people still living who remembered her. The sight of her famous 
Diary at Appleby Castle quickened in me the desire to write a book 
about her, and the more I read of what others had written, the greater 
was my wish to set down, in something like consecutive order, the 
facts which constitute the story of her life. A casual search convinced 
me that, although much had been lost, there were many docu- 
ments still remaining which would repay investigation, and that 
there might be others which ought to be sought for. The work has 
been very interesting, and I have been rewarded beyond my 
anticipation ; so many important documents with no little bearing 
upon English history having come to light in my investigations. 
I am thus able to make good certain discrepancies in the story, and 
also to bring to light many new facts concerning Lady Anne. It 
has been my good fortune to elucidate the facts of the celebrated 
letter, the one story of Lady Anne that almost everyone knows ; 



and by means of the actual documents, to explode the popular idea, 
and to prick once and for all the bubble set afloat by Horace Walpole, 
in the pages of " The World." 

In connection with this book, I owe the deepest gratitude to my 
friend Lord Hothfield, since without his permission and assistance, 
it could never have been written, and it is due to his ever-increasing 
enthusiasm for the subject that the volume has assumed its present 
shape. He has given me the utmost facilities for search, both in the 
muniment rooms of Appleby Castle and of Skipton Castle, has placed 
such materials as he possesses at my disposal and has permitted me 
to work wherever I pleased amongst his papers, and to photograph 
and copy to my heart's content Supplemented as it has always been 
by the kindly assistance of Mr. R. B. Barrett, his agent, Lord Hoth- 
field's encouragement has been most generous, and my gratitude to 
him can be expressed in no measured terms. 

Next I offer most hearty thanks to the Duke of Bedford, to Adeline, 
Duchess of Bedford, to Lord and Lady Pembroke, and to Lord Sack- 
ville for generous assistance afforded me in connection with such 
documents and treasures as they possess bearing upon the history 
of one who was not only Countess of Dorset, but also Countess 
of Pembroke and Montgomery, and descended upon her mother's side 
from the House of Russell. 

Similiar assistance has been afforded me by the representatives of 
that branch of the house of Russell which now holds the title of De 
Clifford, and my warm thanks are due to Mrs. Arthur Stock, who on 
behalf of her son, Lord de Clifford, placed the jealously guarded family 
portraits, plate and jewels at my disposal ; and to the Honourable 
Maud Russell, who lent me important books, manuscripts and illus- 
trations, and took infinite pains to give me such material as I desired. 

The descendants from the sixth Earl of Thanet, who represent 
Lady Anne's father, George, Earl of Cumberland, in direct line, 
have been no less considerate. Mrs. Leveson-Gower, to whom has 
come the books and family treasures that passed to Mary, Coimtess 
Gower, the fourth of Lord Thanet 's five surviving daughters, and 
her cousin, Mr. Arthur F. G. Leveson-Gower, have assisted me most 
readily, and have placed at my entire disposal such manuscripts and 
books as they possess. 

Preface. xix. 

Thanks are also due in similar respects to Lady Burghclere, the Earl 
of Carlisle, Lady Gwendolen Cecil, the Earl of Craven, the Earl of 
Coventry, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Donoughmore, Lord 
Ernie, Lord Hastings, Lord Jersey, and the Dowager Countess of 
Jersey, the Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Lonsdale, Lady Loch, the 
Earl of Mayo, the Marquess of Northampton, the Duke of Portland 
(and his kindly Librarian, Mr. Goulding), the late Rt. Hon. G. W. E. 
Russell, the late Lord Ruthven, Lord St. John, the Earl of Verulam, 
and Lord Wharton. 

For local iniormation, I have had to trouble many people, and in 
obtaining it, have received the utmost kindness and, I may venture 
to say, made many new friends. Of the assistance rendered me by 
Mr. Curwen, whose book on Castles has been invaluable, and by 
Mr. D. Scott of the Penrith Observer, who has placed volumes and pam- 
phlets galore at my disposal, and has poured out a wealth of local 
knowledge before me, I cannot speak to highly. I am also indebted 
to Mrs. Abercrombie, to Dr. Collins, to Mr. Carrick, to Dr. Lionel Cust, 
to Dr. Farrer, to Mr. Gray (Tullie House Librarian at Carlisle), to Mr. 
Crackenthorpe of Newbiggin, to the late Bishop of Carlisle, to Mr. 
Gabbitas, to Mr. Alex Heelis, then Mayor of Appleby, and to his brother 
the Rev. A. J. Heelis of Brougham, to Canon Hasell of Dalemain, to 
Miss Harford of Blaize Castle, Mrs. Locker- Lampson, Canon Matthews, 
Professor Moore-Smith, Lieut.-Col. Machell, Mr. Miller, the Rev. 
F. W. Ragg, Mr. W. Peart Robinson, of Dallam Tower, Mrs. Pennell, 
the late Duke of Polignano, Mr. Roper, Mr. G. L. Rives of New York, 
the Rev. W. B. Smith, the late Dr. Wheatley and Mr. Whiteside, 
for many letters, and for much information placed at my disposal. 

In the Craven district, I have received kindly help, not alone from 
Mr. Barrett of Skipton Castle, who has been never-failing in his aid, 
but also from Miss Cowell of CUfton Castle, Bedale, who took infinite 
trouble on my behalf, and from Mrs. Tempest and Mrs. Dawson. 

Regarding Barden Tower, thanks are due to Mrs. Lister, and in the 
case of Chfford Castle to the Honourable Mabel Bailey, Mrs. Leigh- 
Spencer and Mrs. Dawson ; while as regards Knole, Mr. PhilUps has 
assisted me many times, and in ample manner, from his great store of 
knowledge and material, and as to Sackville College, the present 
Warden, Mr. F. C. Hill, has not only given me such information as 



he possessed, but has placed his own book on the College at my disposal, 
with liberty to quote from it in any way I might desire. 

With regard to the investigation concerning the books Lady Anne 
perused, many of which are represented in her pictures, I am deeply 
thankful to my good friend Mr. Charles Sayle of Cambridge University 
for his assistance, and also to the late Mr. Lawler, and several other 
persons, who have aided me in this matter. 

To the authorities of the British Museum, and notably to my good 
friends Mr. Ellis, Mr. Barclay Squire, Mr. Pollard, Mr. Campbell 
Dodgson, Mr. G. F. Hill, Mr. R. F. Sharp and Mr. Hogg, I owe hearty 
thanks, and many apologies for the amoimt of trouble I have given 
them, and the same debt I hasten to pay to Somerset Herald, who 
opened to me the invaluable records at the College of Arms and notably 
the Dugdale manuscripts. To those of the Record office, and notably 
to Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte, I return similar thanks for many favours 
shown me, and to Miss D. O. Shilton, who, with the utmost care and 
accuracy has copied many of the documents, I also express my sincere 
gratitude. To the same lady I am indebted for more than one dis- 
covery in the muniment room at Skipton which it was her pleasing 
task to arrange and classify. I must not forget the authorities and 
notably the Librarian, at Lincoln's Inn Library, nor those in the 
manuscript department of the British Museum, especially mentioning 
Mr. J. P. Gilson, and a special word of gratitude is due to Dr. Magrath 
the venerable Provost of Queen's College, Oxford. 

A special word of thanks must be given to Miss B. G. Hardy. Soon 
after I had commenced my book, and had made some of the more 
important discoveries, I ascertained that she had prepared a volume 
on the same subject, which she was proposing to issue. With generous 
goodwill, she allowed me to take over this book in manuscript, and to 
make such use of it as I desired. I am thus indebted to her, not only 
for ready consent to this arrangement, but for many happy suggestions, 
and for the agreement to fulfil in this larger book her original desires. 

The assistance so considerately given by Mrs. Paul Mason in photo- 
graphing for me on many occasions must not be overlooked, and my 
readers who see her beautiful pictures will agree with me in gratitude, 
while to the professional workers, Mr. Gray, Messrs. Leonardson, 

Preface. xxi. 

Mr. Hatton and Mr. Smith, who have all taken great pains in carrying 
out my wishes, I desire also to express my thanks. 

To my son, and to Dr. Laing, late of Dundee, I express sincere and 
hearty thanks for having read, with much care and attention, all my 
proofs, and for many suggestions made in connection with them. 
Finally, I should be failing in my duty, if I were not to include in this 
long list of acknowledgments Lady Anne Clifford herself, whose illus- 
trious memory has led me to read so many books of the hi^est 
interest, and heis opened up before me a long vista of history. 

While these pages have been passing through the press, a letter written by 
Lady Anne has come into the possession of Lord Hothfield, and it is perhaps the 
most interesting of any that she ever wrote. It is dated January 31st, 1598^ 
and was written by Lady Anne when she was a girl of eight years old, on the day 
succeeding her own birthday. It is addressed to her father. Lord Cumberland, 
who had only recently, that is to say in the previous December, returned to 
London, and who was about to set out on his twelfth voyage ; and it would appear 
to be likely that it was written in response to some letter she had from him, or 
to acknowledge some present which he had given her on her birthday. 

It is an extraordinarily fine piece of caligraphy for a child of that age, and the 
signature is especially notable. The decoration round the letter is in water- 
colour ; whether the sheet was purchased with this decoration upon it for the 
purpose of the letter, or whether it was the work of the little girl herself, cannot, 
of course, be stated. It is quite possible that the decoration may have been in 
outUne, and that the child filled in the colours herseU from her own paint-box. 
Such things happened in the days of Elizabeth, as they happen now. If that 
is the case, Anne CUfiord must have had a very steady hand, and quite a nice 
sense of colour, as the decoration is prettily carried out. The meaning of the 
four similar monograms which occur on the corners of the letter is not clear. It 
looks as though the monogram was composed of two N's. Various suggestions 
have been made concerning its meaning, but neither of them are wholly satis- 

At the same time as the delightful letter was obtained, there came into Lord 
Hothfield' s possession, from the same source, a lock of hair belonging to Lady 
Alethea Compton, together with an inscription in Lady Anne's writing, saying 
that it was her grand-daughter's hair, and giving certain details. Lady Alethea 
came in 1670, when she was about nine years old, to Pendragon Castle, and some 
allusion to her visit will be found in the pages of the book No. 245, 246 and 247. 
She was a young lady of great importance in her day, and eventually became 

xxii. Preface. 

possessed of a large fortune, as her mother's share of the Clifford estates descended 
to her, but, as she died without issue, the estate and the armour and the silver 
that had been bequeathed to Lady Northampton by Lady Anne, came to the 
descendants of the other sister. Lady Thanet. 
The wording of the letter is thus : — 

I humbly intreate your blessing and ever comend my duety and sarvice 
(sic) to your Lo : pra3?ing I may be made happy by your love I comend 
my service (sic) and leave my trobling of your Lo : being yxjur 

Daughter in all 
Obedieot duety 

Anne Clifford. 
Jan. xxxj 
and the letter is addressed in the manner following : — 

" To the Right honorable and my good Lo : father the Earle of Cumber- 
land." It is endorsed in another hand " when her lappe was eight 
years old." 
The inscription on the piece of paper which holds the lock of hair, reads as 
follows : — " A lock of my grand child La Alatheia Compton's haire and the 
measiure of her height brought me by Mr. Robert Braithwait, 14 July 1674." 
This is in Lady Anne's hand, but in another hand is the following inscription : — 
La Alatheia was then at the home of one Mr. Henry (?) EaMae of 
Western neajr Castle Ashby [probably Ekin]. 
The packet is addressed : — 

For the Right HonW'. the Countesse of Pembroke in Pendragon Castle 
thees present. 

N.B. Errors in printing : — 257 should be Westminster ; 258 should be Medals. 

By an exact and scrupulous diligence and 
observation, out of monuments, names, 
words, proverbs, traditions, private records 
and evidences, fragments of stories, passages 
of books that concern not story and the like, 
industrious persons, do save and recover 
somewhat from the deluge of time. 

Francis Bacon Lord Verulam 

on Adoancement of Learning. 

Preserve your loyalty 
Defend your rights. 

Lady Anne's motto. 



LADY Anne Clifford, the subject of the following pages, was the 
only daughter, and eventually the only surviving child of 
George, third Earl of Cumberland, by his wife Margaret Russell. 
She was bom in 1590, and lived till 1676. Her life therefore covered 
one of the most eventful periods of EngHsh History. As a child, she 
came under the personal notice of Queen EUzabeth, who had been 
present at her father and mother's wedding, as Henry VIII. had 
•honoured the wedding of her grandfather's first wife. She was wel- 
comed at the Court of James I., and took a considerable part in its 
festivities, becoming, not only a lady-in-waiting to Queen Anne of 
Denmark, but also one of the Queen's attached friends, and she 
attended the funeral of her Mistress and took a prominent part in the 
ceremonials. She was present at the coronation of Charles I., and 
was represented by deputy at the coronation of Charles II. She 
lived through the whole of the time of the Commonwealth and Pro- 
tectorate, and came into conflict on more than one occasion with 
Oliver Cromwell. She recorded in her famous Diary, with great 
satisfaction, the event of the Restoration, and referred to the troubles 
of the reign of Charles II. both in war, in fire, and in plague, and she 
lived till nearly the end of his reign, djrlng only a few short years 
before James II. was to ascend the throne. 

Lady Anne came of one of the noblest families in England, the 
CUftords, and should have possessed, throughout the greater part of 
her life, their vast estates, many of which had been held since the 
time of King John. These estates were strictly entailed upon heirs, 
by deeds which were arranged in the time of Edward II., but Lady 
Anne's father, for reasons which will be more clearly set forth, be- 
queathed — illegally, there is but very little doubt — the estates to his 


3 Lady Anne. 

brother, and then to his nephew, who succeeded him in the Earldom ; 
only arranging that in the event of the failure of male heirs, they 
should all return to his daughter. 

Lady Anne Clifford married twice, her first husband being the 
Earl of Dorset, and her second the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery. 
During the greater part of her married life with her first husband, 
strenuously supported by her mother, she took every possible step to 
obtain possession of the estates which were rightfully hers. In this 
she was opposed by her husbemd, and by those at Court. King James 
was persuaded on more than one occasion to deal with the matter in 
judicial capacity, but Lady Anne refused to accept his decision, 
going so far, it is said, at one audience, as to tear up the papers that 
she was requested to sign. The King eventually made an award 
against her, and she was for a time forced to accept it. Similar struggles 
ensued during the early part of her married life with her second husband, 
but eventually her cousin, Henry, fifth and last Earl of Cumberland, 
died without male issue, and the whole of the estates fell into her 

The remaining part of her life was passed wholly in the North, 
where she reigned over a great part of the counties of Westmoreland 
and Yorkshire as a queen, demanding and receiving obedience and 
respect from her neighbours and tenants. Lady Anne was one of 
the great diarists of the day, and has left behind her numerous MSS. 
with details of her life, as well as a vast collection, prepared by her 
mother and herself, of records concerning the Clifford family, and 
respecting the marriages made by each person. 

The account she gives in her earliest Diary of her life at Court is 
one of fascinating interest, because here are set forth all the important 
people of the time of Queen Elizabeth and of James I., and they are 
referred to in familiar fashion. This kind of Diary she continued to 
keep during her entire Ufe. When Lady Anne came to the North, 
she found herself in possession of several great castles, more or less 
in ruins, Skipton, Appleby, Brougham, Brough, Pendragon and 
Barden Tower ; all of these she set herself to restore, and eventually 
put into good condition, at a cost of over £40,000, an enormous sum 
to spend on building in those days. Furthermore, she took in hand 
the restoration of seven churches on her estates, and Bishop Rainbow, 

Preliminary. 3 

who preached her funeral sermon, was well advised in selecting for 
his text the words of the Preacher, " Every wise woman buildeth her 
house." She regarded herself as the " repairer of breaches and the 
restorer of paths, to dwell in." Her personal power and influence in 
the North were very great, so much so, that she was never styled 
either Countess of Dorset or Countess of Pembroke and Montgomery, 
but was always known as Lady Anne, and by that name she is still 
spoken of, in the Craven district of the West Riding, and in her own 
county of Westmoreland, by people so familiar with her history that 
it is difficult to believe she died so many generations ago. 

In dealing with her career, I have adopted throughout the book 
the Westmoreland form of speech, and have called the great Lady 
" Lady Anne," preferring to use the name by which she is generally 
known, rather than to speak of her as Lady Anne Clifford, and later 
as Lady Dorset, or as Lady Pembroke and Montgomery. There have 
been many references to her in other books, and perhaps the first 
which was of any importance, was contained in Ballard's Memoirs of 
British Ladies, published in 1752. Lady Anne was also the subject 
of one of Hartley Coleridge's essays on the Northern Worthies; a part 
of her diary was quoted by Seward, in 1798, in his Anecdotes of Dis- 
tinguished Persons; and another part has in quite recent days been 
used by Mrs. Richardson in her Famous Ladies of the English Court. 
A few striking extracts from the journal of the last few months of 
her life which she kept were quoted some few years ago by Jackson in 
a paper which he read before the Whitehaven Scientific Society, and 
there have been many other allusions to her, notably those made 
by Craik in his Romance of the Peerage ; by Costello, in the Memoirs 
of Eminent Englishwomen ; by Kippis in the Biographia Britannica; 
and by many other writers. As a rule, however, the references made 
have been from copies of original documents. Unluckily, in some 
instances, these copies are the only material available, since several 
MSS. have been destroyed, but many important ones remain, and these 
fortunately have been supplemented by recently discovered letters 
Eind papers of great interest, notably the detailed account of the last 
few months of her life, from her day-by-day book, the greater part of 
which has unfortunately perished. All the original documents that 
could be discovered in the various muniment rooms of the houses with 

4 Lady Anne. 

which she was associated have been placed at my disposal, in very 
many instances for the first time, in order that an adequate repre- 
sentation of this great lady of the Stuart times might be prepared. 
Scarcely any other person in England has made a deeper impression 
upon an estate. Lady Anne's restorations were on so vast a scale, 
and her personaUty was one of such interest, that the charities she 
founded, the churches and castles she restored, the gifts she made to 
her great officials and tenantry, all still unite to set forth her praise, 
and it hcis been thought fitting that the details available concerning 
her long and interesting life, should be gathered up and set out in 
clear and satisfactory fashion. It is hardly possible, in dealing with 
a memoir of this sort, to avoid some of the dry bones of genealogical 
and heraldic detail , but, tdthough dwelt upon as briefly as possible, 
they are yet necessary for a proper understanding of her position, 
while her own story has been told as far as possible in her own words, 
and supplemented by the numerous letters and documents of interest 
which have been the fruit of recent researches. 



IN these days, when close investigation is being made into the 
history of the oldest families of the kingdom, it is pleasant to 
have, in describing the Cliffords, to deal with an illustrious house 
as to the importance of which there can be no question, and to have 
before us a series of records of almost unparalleled completeness and 
accuracy, the integrity of which has never been impugned. The 
investigations of antiquaries of the present day have resulted in 
sweeping away much of the tradition, which has gathered round the 
early chronicles of many great houses, and in some instances, their 
iconoclastic zeal has resulted in definite proof that the family in 
question can not boast of the long pedigree and wealth of story to 
which its name has hitherto been attached.^ 

With regard to the Cliffords, however, we are on firm ground, 
thanks to the efforts made by Lady Anne and her mother to investigate 
the long story of the family, and to copy with extreme accuracy all 
deeds and documents that could be discovered. The result is, that 
the accotmt of the Cliffords can be carried back quite easily to the 
thirteenth century, and that of the Veteriponts, from whom they 
derived their large possessions, a little earlier stiU. 

The importance of the Cliffords started from a marriage of Roger 
de Clifford in 1269 with Isabella de Veteripont, who was one of the 
two co-heiresses of Robert de Veteripont, who had followed the 
fortunes of Simon de Montfort, and had married a great heiress, Isabella 
Fitzpiers, or Fitzpeter, or Fitzgeoffrey, for each of these names is 
given to her in the pedigrees. She was the daughter of a Lord Chief 
Justice of England and Ireland, who was called the Baron of Berk- 

* See for example Peerage and Pedigree by Dr. J. Horace Round, 

6 Lady Anne. 

hampstead, and is generally known as John Fitzpeter, alias Fitz- 

We can carry the story of the Veteriponts back through three more 
generations. It starts with a certain William de Veteripont, who 
married a Cumberland lady, Maud, the daughter of Hugh de Morevill 
or Morsville of Kirkoswald, and in this respect, it is interesting to 
know that a part of the Kirkoswald estate still remains in this twentieth 
century, in the hands of a direct descendant of Maud the heiress. 

There is another example of the persistence of English place-names 
connected with this estate, for Maud, in her widowhood, Uved upon a 
small part of the land which was her jointure, and which was then 
known as Meabum, but, either during her tenure or after her decease, 
it W£is called Maud's Meabum, and that name or Mauld's Meabum it 
bears to the present day, commemorating the residence of the thirteenth 
century lady in whose jointure the lands were included. 

William and Maud had a son Robert, who married Idonea, another 
heiress, the daughter of John de Busley alias Burley, and with this 
Robert de Veteripont, we find in use for the first time the well-known 
coat of arms of the six golden annulets on a red ground, arranged 
three, two 2ind one, which in different tinctures forms the arms of 
other Cumberland families, as for example, the Musgraves and the 
Lowthers. Robert de Veteripont died in Henry IH.'s time in about 
1228, and he appears to have had at least two children, a girl named 
Christian, who married Thomas Fitz-Ralph, the owner of Graystock 
Castle, and John, who succeeded him, and who was buried in Shap 
Abbey, the old Veteripont bur5dng place, in the 26th year of Henry III. 
John married SibiUa, the daughter of WiUiam, Lord Ferrers, and 
brought the horse-shoes into the heraldic achievement. He was the 
father of Robert de Veteripont, whose eldest daughter Isabella, already 
mentioned, became the wife of Roger de Clifford. Isabella had a 
sister, Idonea, who was co-heiress with her, and between them the 
two sisters owned the castles of Appleby and Brougham, and a very 
large portion of the county of Cumberland. Idonea married twice, 
and when she died, without issue, she left to the grandchild of her 
sister Isabella, Robert, Lord Clifford, all her estates. The whole of 
the vast property which had belonged to the Veteriponts, fell there- 
fore to the Cliffords, and with it the Hereditary Sheriffdom of West- 

To face p;if^e 6. 


Countess of Cumberland, 

By permission of the Walpole Society 

(see pages 20 and 347), 


(see pase 7) . 

Mrs. Leii^li Spc^icer —I'luito. 

To face page 7. 



(see page 360). 

The Clifford Family. f 

moreland, to which we make special reference in a separate chapter. 

It is hardly necessary to trace the Cliffords themselves back to the 
time of the Conquest, although several books of reference do so. They 
are said to have been descended from a soldier Richard FitzPxme or 
Pajme, or De Pons, a grandson of Richard, Duke of Normandy, and 
it is stated that his son married the heiress who was in possession 
of the castle and lands of CUfford ^ in Herefordshire, and sissumed the 
name of De CUfford, dropping his old Norman patronymic. It is also 
stated that his son, the second Clifford, was the father of Fair Rosamond 
(06. 1176). These statements, however, are more or less conjecture, 
Eind we prefer to commence our narrative at the later period, 
where there are documents to support it. 

There is no need to go in detail through all the history of the various 
Cliffords who succeeded the fortunate Roger who married Isabella 
the heiress. Sir Matthew Hale, in his Memoirs of the Cliffords, pre- 
pared in view of the great claun Lady Anne made for the estates, goes 
into the whole matter in considerable detail, and to his pages, and to 
the long extracts from them which Whitaker makes in his History of 
Craven.^ and to which he adds various documents, corroborating Hale, 
and to the Dictionary of National Biography, we refer those who are 
anxious to have the complete story of the various CHffords, Lords of 

Lady Anne's books describe their marriages, and their children, 
and in most instances, give a summary of the important details of 
their career. They were warriors, and frequently to be heard of in 
what the chronicle quaintly calls " the parts beyond the seas." They 
were of great assistance to their successive sovereigns, raising men 
and arms, well accoutred knights, esquires and archers, to serve the 
King in his wars, but, at the same time, they were great landlords, 
and appear to have been thoughtful for the interest of their tenantry, 
even in times when Uttle of such thought was chronicled. 

The death of Idonea de Veteripont had added to the Cumberland 
estates the extensive property in Craven, and consequently, from the 
time of the third Lord of Skipton, Robert de CUfford (1305-1344), we 

' Now a complete ruin : — 
The ruined arch and fall'n parapet Which echoed once with princely revelry 

With weeds o'er run, there only mark the place. ClifEord, long since hath lost its ancient race , 

' Whitaker's History of Craven, 1878 ; see B.M. 20656. 

8 Lady Anne. 

find that they were not only holders of the ancient Honour of Skipton, 
but were actually possessors of Skipton Castle, and of aU the estate 
that went with it. John, the seventh Lord, was the first of the family 
who became a Knight of the Order of the Garter, having been installed 
in that great position in 141 2. 

Roger who married the heiress will best be remembered as having 
been the builder of Brougham Castle, and his name still appears above 
the doorway, carved on the stone which bears the three words "Th}^ 
made Roger." (See plate). He it was who brought the Skipton 
Castle estates into the family, but not entirely through an heiress. 
Henry IH. had granted to him certain valuable possessions in Scotland 
and in Monmouthshire, but they were exchanged with Edward II. 
(Sept. 7, 131 1) for the Skipton Castle estates, then held by Lady 
Latimer but leased to the Cliffords by the next succeeding Lord, and 
so commenced the connection between the Clifford family and their 
estates in Craven. 

Robert, First Lord (1273-1314), who succeeded him in 1285, was 
the re-builder of a great part of Skipton Castle and was responsible 
for its famous round towers. He had been fiercely engaged in the 
Scottish wars, and was slain in 1314, at Bannockburn, and was buried 
either at Shap or at Bolton Abbey. 

Following him, came his eldest son, another Roger, Second Lord 
{ob. circa 1327), who took up arms against Edward II. in conjunction 
with various other great nobles of the time. In the contest, his party 
W£LS overthrown, several of his colleagues were beheaded, but Roger 
himself, being desperately wounded, was regarded as practically a 
dead man, and was spared from the scaffold. He was, however, 
accused of high treason, and his estate, including his London House, 
Clifford's Inn, was seized, but afterwards restored to him. He it was 
who had a fair mistress whom he lodged in a house which, after her 
name, was called " Julian's Bower," or probably more accurately 
"Gillian's Bower," and this property, which stood within the bound- 
aries of Whinfell Forest, is frequently referred to by Lady Anne. In 
Hodgson's description of the County of Westmoreland, we learn that 
it was a Httle house hard by Whinfell Park, the foundations of which 
were in his time (1807) still visible, but he tells us that in the time of 
Lady Anne Clifford, the house, which was a sort of shooting box, was 

The Cufford Family. g 

a spacious and interesting building— the hall, wainscotted with oak, 
and hung round with trophies of the field, antlers and stag's heads, 
and that one at least of the rooms was " adorned with very elegant 
tapestry." It was then, clearly, a place of some importance, because 
the diary makes many references to it, and it was one of the sights of 
the neighbourhood, to which Lady Anne sent her guests. There are 
frequent allusions to the visits to Julian's Bower of Mr. John Tufton 
or Lord Wharton or Lady Thanet, who were at that time residing 
with the old lady at either of her castles at Appleby or Brougham. 
It has long since been destroyed. There were not much more than the 
foundations of the hall itself, to be seen in 1807, but some of the smaller 
buildings connected with it have been turned into a farmhouse, which 
is stUl known as JuUan's Bower, and so perpetuates the old story of 
the fourteenth century. 

Roger, Second Lord, was thirty years old when he died, and he was 
succeeded by his younger brother Robert, Third Lord (1305-1344), 
who was a great hunter. It was to him that in 1333 came Edward 
BaUiol, King of Scotland, on a visit to Brougham Castle, and on that 
occasion the famous stag hunt took place, in which it is said that a 
hoimd called Hercules pursued a fine hart from Whinfell to the 
borders of Scotland, and back again to Whinfell.* It must not be 
forgotten, in reference to this statement, that the borders of Scotland 
extended much further south than they do at present, and that most 
of Northumberland, and a great part of Cumberland and Westmoreland, 
were at one time regarded as forming part of the kingdom of Scotland. 
The place to which the deer went is spoken of as Redkirks, and a 
Westmoreland antiquary has suggested that this word was a mistake 
for Ninekirks in the parish of Brougham, but if it was so, the run 
would not apppear to have been of any special importance, since 
Ninekirks is merely another name for the church of Brougham, which 
is on the outskirts of the forest of Whinfell. It is said that the hart, 
giving its last desperate leap over a wall in the forest, cleared it and 
fell dead, while the hound failed to leap the wall, and fell dead on the 
other side. This is stated to have taken place near Hornby Hall 

* See Nicholson & Burn's History, I., p. 399. 

10 Lady Anne. 

close to the Eamont river, and not very far from Ninekirks church. 
The old folk rhyme concerning the exploit was : — 

Hercules killed Hart a-grees 
Hart a-grees killed Hercules. 

The exploit was evidently a somewhat remarkable one, so the distance 
is likely to have been longer than might be supposed from the names 
of the places mentioned. The horns of the stag were nailed to a tree 
close by, and in course of time became embedded in the growing wood, 
and were practically almost overgrown. The tree was known as the 
Hart's Horn Tree, and Lady Anne makes particular reference to its 
destruction in 1658 by some mischievous people. " This summer," 
she saj^, " by some few mischievous people secretly in the night, was 
there broken off and taken downe from thatt Tree near the Peiile of 
Whinfeld Parke (which, for that cause was called the Hart's Home 
Tree) one of those old Hartes Homes which (as is mentioned in the 
Summerie of my Ancestors, Robert Lord Clifford's life,) was sett upp 
in the year 1333, att a generall huntinge when Edward Ballioll, then 
King of Scottes, came into England by permission of King Edward 
the third, and lay for a while in the said Robert, Lord Clifford's castle 
in Westmoreland, where the said King himted a great Stagg which 
was killed nere the sayd Oake Tree. In memory whereof the Homes 
were nayled upp in it, growing as it were naturally in the Tree, and 
have remayned there ever since, till thatt in the year 1648, one of 
those Homes was broken downe by some of the Army, and the other 
was broken downe (as aforesaid) this year. So, as now, there is no 
part thereof remayneing, the Tree itselfe being now so decayed, and 
the Barke of it so peeled off that it cannot last long. Whereby " 
she adds, " wee may see that t5mie brings to forgettfulness many mem- 
orable things in this world, bee they never soe carefully preserved, 
ffor this Tree, with the Hartes home in it, was a Thing of much note 
in these parts." 

The actual tree itself had not disappeared so late as 1670, because, 
on the 14th of October, when Lady Anne was removing from Appleby 
to Brougham, she says she rode through the town of Appleby, and 
through Crackenthorpe, Temple Sowerby and Woodside, and " by 
the Hartshome Tree, which I looked upon a while." It is interesting 

The Clifford Family. ri 

that there should be stories connected with these two successive rulers 
of the fourteenth century, intimately concerned with the diary of 
300 years later, to which we are about to refer, and it is certainly 
extraordinary that three centuries after this wonderful feat on the 
part of a Hart and a Hound had been performed, the horns should 
have been still in existence, and the tree to which they were fastened 
be known as the Hart's Horn tree. A part of the tnink ot the tree 
existed even down to 1790, while its roots was still in situ in 1807, 
and of this root Lord Hothfield has a part on his writing table at the 
present day. 

Roger, the home-loving, country gentleman, the great builder and 
repairer of his castles (notably of Skipton to which he added one of 
the round towers) and the lover of the chase, was succeeded by his 
eldest son Robert, Fourth Lord {ob. circa 1362), a man of a very 
different type, a soldier under Edward III. and the Black Prince, who 
took part in the Battle of Cressy when sixteen, was at the Battle of 
Poitiers when twenty-five, and is said to have perished in the French 
wars in the year 1363, when only about thirty-two years of age. 

He was succeeded by another Roger, his brother. Fifth Lord {1333- 
1389), also a soldier, but at the same time a man who took considerable 
interest in his estates and obtained the charter for the Kirkby Stephen 
market, and permission to enclose a park at Skipton. He aLso rebuilt 
a great part of Brougham Castle and added still further to Skipton 
Castle. He was furthermore responsible for a pool of water which 
used to exist on the west side of the castle, an artificial canal from 
the river Lowther, joining the river Eamont. It had an island in its 
centre, and formed part of the pleasure groimds attached to the castle. 
He called it " Maud's Pool " after his wife, who was Maud Beauchamp, 
and a small piece of water, near Brougham, still bears that name. 

Roger, a wise and prudent man, had a wild son Thomas, Sixth Lord 
(1365-1391), who was a soldier, fighting on the side of the French at 
" Spruce in Germany " against the infidels, when he was slain in 1391 
or 1393, when only about twenty-eight. 

This sixth Lord's wife, Elizabeth, daughter of I^rd Roos of Ham- 
lake was buried at Bongate Church, near Appleby, and was the only 
member of the Clifford family who was interred in that building. 
The parish church, St. Laurence, was then in ruins, having been burned 

12 Lady Anne. 

down. Elizabeth had acted as Sheriff of Westmoreland during her 
son's minority, and she is represented on her tomb having a 
shield of the Veteriponts upon her shoulder, in order, it is believed, to 
mark the special position which she held. 

His son John, Seventh Lord (1389-1422, K.G. 1421), built the 
gatehouse at Appleby Castle. He was killed at the siege of Meaux. 
Like the rest of the Cliffords, John married an heiress, in his case, a 
rather considerable one, EUzabeth the daughter of Henry, Lord Percy 
(son and heir of Henry, Earl of Northumberland) usually known as 
Hotspur and a descendant from Edward III. About this lady there 
is an interesting note in Lady Anne's records where she says " This 
Elizabeth Percy Wcis one of the greatest wommen of her t3mie, both 
for her Birth and both her Marriages . . . But the misfortunes of 
the warre so followed her that in her t5n3ie her Grandfather the Earle 
of Northumberland was beheaded, and his sonne her ffather, slayn 
in Battell. (Her first husband was slain in France). And after her 
decease, her sonne Thomas Lord CUfford, her son Johnne, Lord Neville 
were also slain in Battell, and so was her Grandchild, John, Lord 

Thomas, the son who has just been referred to, and Eighth Lord 
(1414-1455) took part with Henry VI. against Richard, Duke of York. 
He was killed at the battle of St. Albans, and was buried in the mon- 
astery close by. He was responsible for building part of Appleby 
Castle and the Chapel attached to it. He is perhaps better remembered 
in history for the ingenious stratagem by which he and the men under 
his command took the town of Pontoise. It was in the depth of winter, 
and the grovmd and the buildings in all directions were covered with 
snow. The Commander and his men robed themselves in white 
sheets, and so were able to pass without notice across the snowy 
landscape, and surprise and take the town.^ His wife was Joan (or 
Jane), the daughter of Thomas Lord Dacre of GiQesland, and by her 
he had four sons, John his successor. Sir Roger, Sir Thomas, and 
Robert who took part in Perkin Warbeck's rebelhon. 

Then we come to John, Ninth Lord CUfford (1435 ?-i46i), who has 
the greatest notoriety of any member of the family, and is said to 

' Exactly the same stratagem was employed iu 1916 in Italy by the brave Alplni. 

The Clifford Family. 13 

have been responsible for the cold-blooded murder of the Earl of 
Rutland, the story which Shakespeare thus describes in the Third 
Part of King Henry VI., Scene III. : — 

Rutland : O let me pray before I take my death ! 

To thee I pray ; sweet Clifford, pity me ! 
Clifford : Such pity as my rapier's point affords. 
Rutland : I never did thee harm : why wilt thou slay me ? 
Clifford : Thy father hath. 
Rutland : But 'twas ere I was born, 

Thou hast one son, for his sake pity me ; 

Lest in revenge thereof — sith God is just — 

He be as miserably slain as I. 

Ah, let me live in prison all my days ; 

And when I give occasion of offence. 

Then let me die, for now thou hast no cause. 
Clifford : No Cause ? 

Thy father slew my father, therefore die ! 

Lady Anne, in the summary she gives of her ancestor's life, does 
her best to disprove the claim of maUgnity, and declares definitely 
that the boy was a soldier and killed in open battle, that he was not 
stabbed after the battle of Wakefield by Lord Clifford, and that Lord 
Clifford did not cry out when the poor youth begged on his knees for 
mercy, " Thy father slew mine, and I will slay thee." There is, of 
course, grave doubt as to whether the story has any foundation in 
fact. Hall and Holinshed are the first to refer to it, the former writing, 
it must be remembered, nearly ninety years after the battle of Wake- 
field, and his statement is somewhat confused. 

It is natural that Lady Anne should have striven to disprove the 
story, but we are afraid that, as Clifford is frequently spoken of as 
" The Black-faced Clifford," and " The Butcher," there must have 
been some accounting for such unenviable pseudonjmis, even though 
this picturesque story may not itself be true. 

Lady Anne's own words are as foUows : — 
" For the great Aspersion layd upon this John, Lord Clifford, for killing 
Edmund Plantagenett, Earle of Rutland, though it cannot be denyed. 
But that this Lord Clifford killed the Earle of Rutland at the Battell 
of Sandall Castle by Wakefield town, yett, most certaine it is that 

14 Lady Anne. 

the said Earle was then seventeene yeares ould, for the next 
Childe that his mother had was King Edward the fourth, which King 
was then eighteen years ould. Soe that this Earle being the next bom 
after him, must needs be seventeene years old at this tyme, When 
this Lord Clifford killed him, at which age it is probable that he was 
in the Battle as a soldier, and not as the chronicles report him to be, 
a child of twelve years old, and under the command of a Tutor, which 
likely is very false as many written hand Bookes do testify. And in 
the great Book of the NobiUty of this Kingdom, page 622 and 623 

is mentioned all the ages of the said Richard Duke of York's 

children, which were twelve in Number, and were borne within a little 
tjmie one of another. And there it is expressed that this Earle of 
Rutland was borne next to King Edward the fourth Soe he must 
have needes be sixteene or seventeene years ould when he was slayne 
by this John, Lord Clifford in BatteU." 

Clifford was kiUed the day after the battle of Ferrj'bridge, in a little 
valley close by the field of Towton, known as Dittingdale. On that 
occasion the Lancastrian cause was crushed, and the House of York 
came into possession of the Crown. Clifford was attainted in 1461, 
and his honours and estates became forfeit, while the Lordship of 
Skipton W£is first of all granted to a member of the Stanley family, 
and then later to Richard, Duke of Gloucester. Henry VII., however, 
reversed the attainder (in 1485), at the time that he restored to favour 
the other adherents of the house of Lancaster, and the estates of 
the family came back again to Henry, tenth Lord Clifford. 

This John, Lord Clifford, was not only important in the family 
history on account of his evil deeds but because, by his marriage, he 
brought another title into the family, one which was claimed per- 
sistently by Lady Anne, and which she used in almost all the inscrip- 
tions she put up over her restored Castles. Lord Clifford had married 
Margaret, the only daughter of Sir Henry Bromflete, whose father, 
Sir Thomas, had claimed to be Lord Vescy, the title having come 
through his wife, who was Margaret St. John, the daughter of Lord 
St. John. Sir Henry was created Baron of Vescy in 1449 by writ 
with a limitation (unique in English Writs) to his heirs male.^ He died 

• See Holinshed for a long account of the Vesies and for an interesting anecdote concerning 
their family claim to great antiquity. 

"The Peerage of De Vessy had, however, become extinct, having been expressly litoited 

The Clifford Family. 15 

in the life-time of his mother, and the title was assiimed, in ignorance 
of the special limitation or in defiance of it, by his daughter Margaret, 
who brought with it, to Lord Clifford, the Londesborough estates. 
After the death of the ninth Lord she married a notable person in 
Cumberland, Sir Lancelot Threlkeld of Yanwath, and she died in 1493. 

When the Yorkists succeeded to power, they not only had Lord 
CUfford attainted, and his possessions seized, but they sought for his 
children, and did their best to find them, in order that they also 
should be destroyed. Now comes into the family history the interest- 
ing romance connected with the Shepherd Lord, Henry de Clifford 
(i455?-i523). It is always stated that, until the accession of Henry 
VII., he had been concealed in the fells of Cumberland, Uving the life 
of a shepherd. For a while, the story tells us, he was at Londesborough 
amongst the shepherds there, brought up as one of their children, and 
then, when his mother's second marriage took place, he was brought 
near to his stepfather's estate of Threlkeld. 

There are the remains of a great room or hiding place at Yanwath 
where it is stated that in his boyhood the Shepherd Lord was often 
hidden away. Wordsworth thus refers to his step-father. Sir Lancelot : 

Give Sir Lancelot Threlkeld praise : 
Hear it, good man, old in days ! 
Thou tree of covert and of rest 
For this young bird that is distrest, 
Among thy branches safe he lay 
And he was free to sport and play. 
When falcons were abroad for prey. 

Later on, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, a man of cruel and implacable 

to the heirs male of the body of the grantee by the writ of the 24th January, 1448-9, under 
which it originated, a singular (and indeed in England unique) instance of such limitation in 
a barony created by writ. Nevertheless, this John, Lord Clifford, and Henry, his son, are 
each called in the Patent Roll (3 Henry VIII., Part i, M. 12) Lord Clifford, Westmoreland, 
and Vescy, though they were only hereditary Sheriffs of Westmoreland, and neither was 
Baron of Vessy, or Vescy." — The Complete Peerage. New Edition, by Gibb, vol. m., 294. 

" Sir Henry de Bromflete, in the 27th of Henry VI., was summoned to Parliament by a 
special writ, dated 24th January, 1449, as Henrico Bromflete de Vesci, Chevalier, in remainder 
to the heirs male of his body, being the first and only writ with such a limitation. Lord Vescy 
died this January, 1468, without male issue, when the barony expired, according to the terms 
of the writ. The principal part of the property devolved upon his only daughter Margaret de 
Bromflete, who married, first, John, Lord Clifford, and, secondly. Sir Lancelot Threlkeld." — 
Burhe's Extinct Peerage, page 75. 

i6 Lady Anne. 

nature, came to reside on the estates which were temporarily in his 
possession, and the boy was moved away nearer to the borders of 
Scotland. He is said to have been wholly ignorant of his own identity, 
and he was not taught either to read or write,' lest by any accident 
his position should be revealed. For twenty years, he appears to have 
led this quiet, retired life, while meantime the House of York became 
gradually extinct. Then Henry VII. succeeded to the throne, imiting 
both Houses, the Lancastrians came again into power, and Henry 
Clifford was brought away from the fells of Cumberland and presented 
to his Sovereign as the true and lawful heir to the estates, the only 
remaining son of John de CUfford and Tenth Lord of the Honour of 
Skipton. The King restored Henry, in blood and honours, in 1485, 
and summoned him to Parliament, where he sat till 1497, but his 
interest was neither in statecraft, nor in soldiering. We are boimd, 
however, to mention, that in the year 1513, when over sixty years of 
age, he did take part, at the command of his King, in the battle of 
Flodden Field, and W£is appointed to an important position in the 
army. In the old metrical history of Flodden Field (said to have 
been written by a schoolmaster of Ingleton in Craven), his tenantry 
are referred to as " they [who] with the histy CHfford came," and then, 
further on, in the same rhyme, we get the lines. 

All such as Horton Fells had fed 
On CliflEord's banner did attend. 

Lady Anne tells us he never travelled out of England, but she says, 
"He did exceedingly deUght in Astronomy and the contemplation 
of the Course of the stars, which it is likely he was seasoned in, during 
the course of his shepherd's life." He built a great part of " Barden 
Tower .... where he lived much," because in that place he had 
furnished himself with instruments for that study.* " There "was a 
tradition," Lady Anne states, in one of the documents she copied, " that 

' To the end of his life he was unable to sign his name, although he learned to read in later 
years. Of his signature CUfford, the C alone is said to be in his handwriting, the " lyfforde " 
being added by an amanuensis. 

» As further evidence of the literary instincts of Henry, the Shepherd Lord, Whitaker records 
that, amongst the Thoresby MSS. he found a Treatise of Natural Philosophy in old French 
which had been presented to the Priory of Bolton by Lord CUfford, and which bore information 
m It to that effect. After the dissolution of the Priory, it had passed into other hands from 
whence it reached the place where Whitaker found it, ' 

The Clifford Family. jj 

by his skill in astronomy [for which one should perhaps read astrology], 
he, on the behalf of a grandson, read the stars, and foretold that his 
grandson should have two sons, between whom and their posterity 
there should be great suits at law, and that the heirs male of the line 
should end with those two sons, or soon after them, and this actually 
came to pass." She adds to the summary which she gives of her 
ancestor's life these words " He was a plain man, and lived for the 
most part a country life, and came seldom to Court, or to London. 
But when he was called thither to sit in them a peer of the realm 
... he behaved himself wisely and nobly and like a good English 

Henry, Tenth Lord (i455?-i523) married twice, first Anne, the 
daughter of Sir John St. John, a distant cousin to Henry VII., and 
second, Florence, the daughter of Henry Pudsey of Barfoot, Yorkshire, 
who had been previously married to Sir Thomas Talbot of Bashall, 
and who, after Lord Clifford's death, married for the third time Richard, 
a son of the Marquis of Dorset. Whitaker draws attention to the 
manner in which this lady went up steadily in social position. Her 
father was an esquire, her first husband a knight, her second a baron, 
her last, the grandson of a Queen. He also reminds us that she sur- 
vived her father-in-law, who was slain at Towton Field, for ninety- 
seven years, and if she retained her memory, she must have been a 
person of extraordinary interest to her descendants, because, in her 
time, she must have conversed with many of the principal persons 
who took part in the war between the rival houses of York and 
Lancaster. She had a daughter, Dorothy, who married first. Sir Hugh 
Lowther, and secondly. Lord Grey, the son of her mother's third 

Amongst the records at Lowther there is an interesting document 
dated the i6th year of Henry VIII., 1524, referring to Lord Grey and 
other persons acting on his behalf and on that of his wife Florence, and 
acknowledging the receipt of certain rentals coming to £y^ which was 
due to him through Sir Thomas Clifford, brother to Henry, Lord Clif- 
ford. The rent was evidently a part of Lady Florence's portion. 
Lady Anne has endorsed this statement, drawing attention to the 
fact that the Lord Clifford mentioned in it was a little while afterwards 
created Earl of Cumberland. 


i8 Lady Anne. 

In connection with this marriage there is still preserved at Lowther 
Castle the receipt or acquittance dated 22 Henry VIII., 1560, in which 
Sir John Lowther states that he had received from the hands of the 
Right Reverend Father in God, Richard, the Abbot of Shap Abbey ^^50, 
which was in full payment of 300 marks which Henry, Earl of Cum- 
berland had to pay to him, in connection with the marriage of Hugh 
Lowther his son, to Dorothy Clifford, the Earl's sister. The document 
is one of rather special interest, as it is one of the latest in which the 
proper dignity was given to the Abbots of Shap Abbey, for soon after 
they were dispossessed not only of dignity but of possession. 

Heniy's son, Henry, Eleventh Lord (1493-1542), who succeeded 
him, and eventually became the first Earl of Cumberland, was 
his child by the first wife, and he, when a boy, was a personal friend of 
Henry VIll, and hence, in due course, obtained from the King the 
new title of Earl of Cumberland. The King also made him President 
over the Northern parts of England, Lord Warden of the Marches, 
and K.G. in 1537. His London house was Derby Place, adjoining 
St. Benet's, and practically on the site on which the present Herald's 
College stands. He was a soldier, actively employed in defending the 
English borders against the Scots, and, when attacked in Skipton 
Castle by Robert Aske and his feUow rebels of the Pilgrimage of Grace, 
bravely defended it against them all. Froude, in his History of 
England, refers to an act of romantic heroism in connection with this 
defence of Skipton Castle in 1536. Robert Aske, he tells us, had two 
brothers, Christopher* and John, who, instead of taking part in the 
rebellion, made their way to their cousin the Earl of Cumberland, and 
assisted him in the defence of Skipton. Lady Eleanor Clifford,^" his 
son's young wife, " with their three small children," and many ladies, 

• Christopher hved with Lord Cumberland for a time, and his will, dated 1538 and quoted 
by Miss Madeleine and Miss Ruth Dodds in their wonderful book on the Pilgrimage of Grace 
(p- 51), "gives a pleasant picture of the easy bachelor life of a cultured gentleman." "His 
room," they add, "in Skipton Castle was well furnished with books on genealogy and the 
noble art of hunting, as well as French romances, while in his room at ihe 'new lodge,' the 
building of which he was superintending for the Earl, was his 'cloth of the gieat mappa 
mundi,' and a tapestry embroidered with the history of St. Eustace." 

1" Froude has gone astray in the names ; Clifford did not marry Lady Eleanor Brandon till 
Midsummer, 1537, and she never had more than one child ! He evidently means the 
younger daughters of Lord Cumberland, Eleanor and Anne, who very likely were at Bolton 
\7ith their mother, Margaret, Lady Cumberland, 

The Clifford Family. i0 

he says, were staying at the time of the insurrection at Bolton Abbey, 
ten mUes from the fortifications of Skipton, and on the third day of 
the siege, notice was sent to Lord Cumberland that they should be 
held as hostages for his submission. The following day it was 
threatened that they should be brought up in front of the storming 
party, and every possible indignity should be done to them. Chris- 
topher Aske, however, in the middle of the night, accompanied, it is 
said, by the Vicar of Skipton, a groom and a boy, stole through the 
camp of the besiegers, crossed the moors by unfrequented paths, 
conducted the ladies through the commons in safety, and brought 
them into the castle.^^ The same person, it is said, a little later on, 
flung open the gates of the castle, dropped the drawbridge, and rode 
down through the rebels in full armour to the market cross at Skipton, 
and there read out the King's proclamation to the crowd, and in 
disdainful fashion rode back again to the castle. 

The eleventh Lord Clifford, first Earl of Cumberland, like his pre- 
decessor, married twice. His first wife, was Margaret, daughter of 
George Talbot, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury, his second, a great heiress, 
Margaret, daughter of Henry Percy, fifth Earl of Northumberland. 
She, like her predecessor, lies at Skipton. She had brought many 
lands in Craven to add to the CUfford inheritance, some of which are 
still known as the Percy Fee. 

The Shepherd Lord (Henry, Tenth Lord) had many other children; 
one of them, who was knighted, became the Governor of Berwick 
Castle ; another, Dorothy, married successively Sir Hugh Lowther of 
Lowther and Lord Grey, the eldest son of the Marquis of Dorset ; and 
four of his daughters, by his first wife, married neighbours of importance 
cuid of influence, Mabel marrying WiUiam FitzWiUiam, Earl of South- 
ampton; Eleanor, Sir N. Markenfield; Anne, Sir Christopher Metcalfe 
of Nappa ; and Joan, Sir Ralph Bowes. 

The Eleventh Lord Clifford was responsible for the great gallery in 
the tower at Skipton Castle, and he is said to have erected this part 
of the castle especially for the accommodation of his high-bom 
daughter-in-law, Lady Eleanor Brandon, who was his son's first wifci 
As a reward for his courage and loyalty to the crown, he received as 

" L. & P. of Henry VIII, xil (l), 11806. 

20 Lady Anne. 

a grant, the priory of Bolton and the land belonging to it, and he also 
had assigned to him a great part of the lands which had belonged to 
the dissolved priory of Marton. By these means, and by the addition 
of the great Craven estate that came to him from Lady Margaret Percy, 
he enormously increased the extent of his possessions and became the 
ruler over practically the whole of the Craven district. By his will, 
he left a considerable sum of money to be spent on the highways in 
and about Craven, and also on those on his Westmoreland estate. 
Furthermore he bequeathed money to the church of Skipton, and to 
the Canons of the Priory of Bolton, making special arrangements 
as to requiems and dirges that should be simg for the benefit of his 
soul in every parish church over his vast estates. 

Following him came the Twelfth Lord, who was also second Earl 
of Cumberland (15 17-1570), and was notable for the importance of 
his first marriage, because he married the lady who is generally 
known to the Chroniclers as " Lady Eleanor Brandon, Her Grace," and 
who was the daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, by Mary, 
Queen Dowager of France, daughter of Henry VII. ^^ The marriage 
was one of extreme magnificence, Henry VIII. her uncle, being actually 
present, and the bride and groom came down to Skipton to occupy 
the apartment which had been built on by his father to that house, 
and which had been begun and completed in the short space of only 
three months. The Lady Eleanor Brandon, however, only lived for 
ten years, but the expenses of this semi-royal alliance had been so 
serious that Lord Cumberland had to dispose of one of his great memors, 
that of Temedbury, in Herefordshire, the last piece of land held by 
the family that had belonged to the original Clifford estates, and which 
had come to the Cliffords of Chfford Castle from their first marriage 

1^ With reference to the marriage of Eleanor Brandon, Lady Anne has not been quite as care- 
ful as usual, but as she has fortunately stated in the entry In her diary that the marriage took 
place in the 27th year of Henry VIII., which was counted from the 22nd April, 1535, to the 
2ist April, 1536, it is clear that the marriage which she says took place at midsummer, 1537, 
actually occurred in June, 1535. A confirmation of this may be obtained from the fact that in 
the letters and papers of Henry VIII. (see vol. x., no. 243 (8) ), amongst the Acts passed by 
Parliament, 4th February, 1536, was one concerning Lady Eleanor Clifford's jointure. It is 
therefore clear that the child who is referred to in this entry is the infant who was born before 
October, 1536, and died soon afterwards, and the two girls named in it must have been the 
younger daughters of Lord Cumberland, Eleanor and Anne, children of Margaret, Countess of 

The Clifford Family. 21 

to an heiress in Norman times.^* After the death of his wife, however, 
it is said that he retired into the country, and then again became rich. 
He had been made a Knight of the Bath at the coronation of Queen 
Anne Bole3ni in 15^3, but when he left London, and settled down in 
the north, he gave up his time to studying alchemy and chemistry, 
devoting special attention to tr3dng to discover the philosopher's 
stone. Lady Anne tells us that he was " a great distiller of waters 
and maker of chemical extracts, very studious in all manner of learn- 
ing," and she adds that he had " an excellent library of books, both 
hand-written books and printed, to which he was addicted exceedingly, 
especially towards his latter end." ^* These studies appear to have 
been carried on at Brougham Castle. 

Previous to all this time, he went through a remarkable experience, 
which Lady Anne describes with much care. " After the death of 
his first wife," she says, " hee fell into an extreame sickness, of which 
he was at the length laid out for a dead Man, upon a Table, and 
covered over with a Hearse of Velvet. But some of his Men, That 
were then very carefull about him, perceiving some little signs of 
Life on him, did apply hot cordials inwardly and outwardly unto 
him, which brought him to life againe. And soe after he was layne 
in his bedd againe Hee was fayn for fower or five weekes after to suck 
the milk out of a woman's bresist, and only to live on thatt food. And 
after to drink Asses milk, and live on that for three or fower months 
longer Yett after that, before the year was ended, he became a strong 
able man, and so continued to bee till a Little before his death." 

There are exceedingly few papers or letters in existence connected 
with his first wife the Lady Eleanor Brandon (Her Grace), but, 
amongst the Appleby documents is one letter entirely in her hand- 

" We have discovered at Sldpton Castle aa interesting fragment of manuscript which probably 
belonged to this second Earl, but which might even have been prepared for Henry, the Shepherd 
Earl, in connection with his studies of alchemy, as the handwriting belongs to a period very 
late in the fifteenth or very early sixteenth century. Thanks largely to the kindly assistance 
of Mr. J, P. Gilson, the Keeper of the Manuscripts Department of the British Museum, it has 
been identified as part of the treatise called the Compound of Alchemy which George Ripley 
an Augustinian Canon of Bridlington {ob. circa 1490) wrote and dedicated to Edward IV. 
It illustrates as has been well said " the growing interest in alchemy which the relaxation of 
the laws against multiplying gold encouraged " and " it shows traces of Platonist influences." 
This treatise was first printed in 1591 and then set forth in full by Ashmole in his Theatrum 
Chemicum, 1652. 

^* They had possessed it for 326 years ! 

i,2 Lady Anne;. 

writing, which is here ilhxstrated. It is addressed to her husband, 
whom she styles " Dere Hart," and it describes in somewhat frank style 
the s5miptons of her illness at that time, which she thought were those 
either of jaundice or of ague. It is written from Carleton, and in it 
she asks her husband to send a physician to her, because the symptoms 
had increased since they had commenced at Brougham Castle, and 
she suggests a certain Dr. Stephens, who, she states, understands her 
constitution. She refers to her sister, Anne the wife of Edward Grey, 
third Lord Pow}^, calling her Powis, and saying that she was desirous 
of seeing Lord Cumberland, and had come to stay with her, while the 
letter is addressed " To my moste Lovynge Lorde and Husband, the 
Erlle of Combreland." 

In 1552 or 1553, he married in Kirkoswald Church, as his second 
wife, Aime, the daughter of William, Lord Dacre of Gillesland, the 
second marriage of a Clifford to the daughter of a Lord Dacre, as 
Thomas, the eighth Lord had made a similar marriage. She was a 
woman of a very domestic taste, who was never either at or near 
London in the whole of her life, and so attached was Lord Cumberland 
to her, that he passed over to her, under the Great Seal of England, 
all his lands in Westmoreland as her jointure. She was a person who, 
according to Lady Anne, employed herself only in domestic and 
home affairs, whilst she was maid, wife and widow, and she was his 
wife for seventeen or eighteen years, and his widow for eleven years. 
She died at Skipton Castle, and was buried in Skipton church. 

After the death of his first wife, her husband only went three times 
up to Court, once to the Coronation of Queen Mary (1553), then to be 
present at the marriage of his daughter Margaret (1540- 1595), his only 
surviving child by his first wife, with Lord Strange, afterwards Earl of 
Derby, February 7th, 1555, and finally to " see Queen Elizabeth, and 
present his duty to her, a little after she became Queen." 

By his second wife, he had three children : George, (1558-1605), 
who succeeded him and became third Earl of Cumberland, the father 
of Lady Anne ; Francis, Lord Clifford (1559- 1640), a Knight of the 
Bath, eventually Fourth Earl of Cumberland, who in his brother's 
lifetime was in possession of the Skipton estates, and who died at 
Skipton in 1640/1 (he had married Grissel, the widow of Lord Aber- 
gavenny), and Frances, {ob. 159a), who became Lady Wharton. 

The Clifford Family. 23 

We have just mentioned that he had but one child by his first wife, 
Eleanor Brandon, and she was regarded by many persons as the legal 
heir to the English throne, and therefore a young lady of considerable 
importance. The Duke of Northumberland had arranged to set 
aside the will of Henry VIII. in so far as it affected the succession of 
Mary and Elizabeth, on the ground that their father had determined 
their illegitimacy in Acts of Parliament which had never been repealed, 
and he had also persuaded Edward VI. to settle the Crown on the 
heirs of the Duchess of Suffolk, younger sister of Henry VIII., who 
were Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, and Eleanor, who had been Countess 
of Cumberland. Furthermore he arranged, somehow or other, that 
the Duchess of Suffolk's elder daughter. Lady Jane Grey, should be 
the chosen heir to the throne, and then he married her to his eldest 
unmarried son. Lord Giiilford Dudley. 

Mrs. C. C. Stopes, working amongst the uncalendared Proceedings 
of the Court of Requests of Elizabeth, has found out, however, that 
Northumberland's far-reaching vision went even further, for he 
arranged the betrothal of his brother, Andrew Dudley, who was 
Admiral of the Fleet, with this only daughter and heir of Eleanor, 
Countess of Cumberland. The girl appears to have been about 
thirteen when betrothed, or possibly a year or two older, and there is 
a warrant in existence to Sir Andrew Dudley as Master of the Ward- 
robe that he may take for the Lady Margaret Clifford, daughter to 
the Earl of Cumberland, and himself, for their wedding apparel, sundry 
silks and jewels. This is dated the 8th June, 1553. It was arranged 
that Sir Andrew and his bride were to live for some time at^Skipton, 
and inventories were carefully prepared of all the various things in 
the way of jewels, cloth, plate and furniture which were to belong to 
Lady Margaret and to her husband, and these were signed in her 
presence, and witnessed by several of her neighbours. Events.'^how- 
ever, moved very rapidly. The young King died before the will had 
been ratified by Parliament, and before Sir Andrew had married the 
lady. Immediately upon the proclamation of Queen Mary, the Earl 
of Cumberland threw in his allegiance with the new Queen, took the 
keys of her treasures from his daughter, the keys of the rooms. from 
Dudley's servants with the inventories, and possession of all the 
property in the name of Queen Mary. A little later on, he came up 

24 Lady AnnIe. 

to London, handed over his Garter jewel to the Queen, with other 
jewek, and it was then agreed that Sir Andrew, being in the Tower, 
the Earl of Cumberland should keep the rest of Sir Andrew's goods, 
on paying five hundred pounds into the Exchequer. 

Queen Mary appears to have then arranged that the young girl 
should marry Henry, Lord Strange, son and heir of the Earl of Derby, 
She presented the bride with a brooch of thirteen diamonds, and all the 
household linen and robes which had belonged to Sir Andrew Dudley, 
so that, as Mrs. Stopes points out, it seems to be probable, that Lady 
Margaret CUfford wore at her marriage to Lord Strange on the 7th of 
February, 1554, the very robes of gold and silver tinsel which Sir 
Andrew had withdrawn from the Royal wardrobe for his own intended 
wedding in June, 1553. 

Mrs. Stopes refers at some length to the legal proceedings which 
the Dudleys instituted against Lord Cumberland for all the wonderful 
jewels and plate which had been prepared for the wedding, and much 
of which was still at Skipton, but none of it appears to have ever come 
again into the possession of the Dudleys, and Sir Andrew lost both 
his bride and his property, as well as all his Court influence. 

The story is set out in full detail in Mrs. Stopes's work on Shake- 
speare's Environment, and it includes the deposition and examination 
of Lady Margaret Clifford herself, then Lady Margaret Strange, who 
testifies to the accuracy of this strange and romantic story. 




IN this brief historical survey of the various members of the Clifford 
family, we now come to the third Earl of Cumberland, who was 
the father of Lady Anne, and who, possessing a very strange and 
complex character, was a mass of curious contradictions. He succeeded 
to the earldom when he was only eleven years old, on the death of his 
father, Henry the second Earl ; was brought up with his guardian, 
Francis, second Earl of Bedford, K.G., and spent his youthful years 
either at Chenies or at Woburn. In the course of time he went to 
the University, and was entered as a nobleman at Trinity College, 
Cambridge, where he took his degree, and then he is said to have 
migrated to Oxford for a few months, in order to give special attention 
to mathematics and to geography, the last-named science being one in 
which he was peculiarly interested aU his Ufe. In 1577, when nineteen, 
he married Margaret, the daughter of his guardian, the marriage 
having been arranged when he was a boy by their respective parents. 
For a while, nothing could have been more satisfactory, and the young 
couple appear to have been attached to one another, and exceedingly 
happy. It is remarkable, in going through a series of letters from 
Lord Cumberland to his wife, during the years of their married life, 
to notice the deep affection with which he addresses his wife. The 
letters as a rule commence " My sweet Meg," or " Sweet and dear 
Meg," " My Deare Love," or " Dear pledge," or " To my very loving 
wife," or " To my only beloved wife," while the conclusion of the 
letters are similar in their marks of affection, but still more variable 
in their actual phraseology, " Thyne till death, whatsoever happens, 
my little Meg," " Yours only, in all fortunes," " Thyne ever, as I 
have promised," " Yours ever, as I have voed," " Thine as holly as 
ever man was woman's," " Yours from all others," " Committing 

26 LadV Anne. 

thee to thy hart's contentment, and myselfe to thy love," " Wishing 
to God that you may doe in all this, and in all other things, what is 
pleasantest for you," " Th3me only, now and for ever," " Th3nie as 
thou wilt." Even when he started on his wanderings, he kept up a 
correspondence with Lady Cumberland, and writes to her in an equally 
affectionate style, so much so, that it is difficxilt to believe, even when 
we must, that the phrases are merely those dictated by courtesy. 
Later on, unfortunately, things became different. The earlier letters 
are delightful to read. Take one for example, dated 6th of February, 
1589,^ a letter which Lady Anne endorses as the " letter my ffather 
writt to my mother presently after my Berthe when hee then laye at 
Bedford House at London." In this he says : — 

My SWEET Meg, 

The happy news of thy safe delivery more gladded me than ansrthing I heard 
or saw since I saw thee, and sweet Meg, as it hath pleased God thus to please 
thee with the long desired wish (which is more welcome to me than anything 
else in the world could have been) so with merry heart and thoughts comfort 
thyself, as thou mayest the sooner recover thy former strength to His praise 
and my chiefest comfort. I stayed this bearer some days, in hope myself should 
have delivered this, but the not coming of my ship, which is yet stayed by 
contrary winds, will not suffer me, as this bearer can let you know, who has 
a little son. The humour of the men I have to deal with all I know. It is 
troublesome now for thee to write, wherefore, with hearty prayers to God for 
thy well-doing. His blessing and mine to our little ones, and lovingest com- 
mendation to thyself, I commit thee to God's holy tuition. 

This 6th of February, 1589, 

Thine only, as most bound, 

(Signed) George Cumberland. 

Even, however, in the early days of their married life. Lord Cumber- 
land was given to extravagance and wastefulness, and was gradually 
losing part of his great inheritance, and reducing his estate. Then, 
the desire seized him to wander, and to become an adventurer, a 
navigator, partly with the idea of adding other territories to the 
English crown, and increasing its power and dignity, and partly 
with the feeling that, by such voyages he would be able to 
restore again to his fortune, money which in the days past he had 
wasted. He must have been a handsome and a distinguished 

' Rendered, for easier perusal, into modem spelling. 


i. W f 






5 ^ 



X y 

a J a 

[i< q: ac 

, S « 

« 3 w 



'3^ o; w u 

To face page 27. 

National Portrait Gallery. Emery Walker — Photo. 

Lady Anne's Mother at the age of 25 (see page 26J. 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. ij 

looking man. His daughter speaks of him as " a man of many 
naturall perfections, of a great witt and judgment, of a strong 
body, and full of agillity, of a noble mind, not subject to prid or 
arogancy," and adds that he was a man " generally beloved in this 
kingdom." It is clear that he was an attractive, fascinating man, 
of unimpeachable courage, and one who spared his body no more 
than his purse, while all accounts tell us that he was accomplished in 
knightly exercises, full of romantic ideas, and splendid and magnificent 
in his costume.^ All this made him attractive to Queen Elizabeth, 
and when, if there is any truth in the popular story, she once dropped 
her glove in coquettish fashion, when he was before her at Court, and 
he picked it up, kissed it, and presented it on his knees to his Queen, 
she was quite ready, flattered by the attention that this handsome 
man paid her, to grant him a special measure of her favour. The 
story goes that she returned the glove to him, permitting him as a 
great privilege to retain it, and that he had it mounted with his jewels 
and set it in the upper part of his helmet, where, in the miniature 
painted of him by Hilliard, now to be seen in the collection 
owned by the Duke of Buccleuch, and in his portrait in oil in 
the Bodleian Library, it may be clearly discerned ; and that he 
constituted himself from that moment * her special champion, and 
vowed that he would serve her all his life. She actually appointed him 
her official champion in 1590 when old Sir Henry Lee resigned the office. 
When this romantic episode happened we cannot tell. It has been 
said that the presentation took place on his return from one of his 
voyages, but that seems to be unlikely, since the glove is represented 
in a portrait of him dated 1588, and it Wcis not until that year that 
Lord Cumberland commenced his really important voyage, for the 
two cruises previous to that were of slight moment, and not attended 
with much success. It may have been, however, that he first attracted 

* There is a portrait of Lord Cumberland in gilt armour which belonged to Mr. John Leveson- 
Gower. It was exhibited at the Tudor Exhibition in i8go (445, p. 133). The same owner 
exhibited a miniature of Lady Anne (1115, page 214) and there is a miniature of Lord Cumber 
land in armour in the Sotheby Collection (1112, page 214). 

* There is an interesting portrait of Lord Cumberland engraved in Holland's Herwologia 
(1620) said to have been obtained from a shop in the Strand, according to the B. M. copy. 
He aJso appears on the title page of Samuel Purchas his Filgrimes, (second col. from 
left), third effigy from the top. 

2g Lady Anne. 

the attention of Queen Elizabeth after he had returned from these 
two early voyages. 

It was in 1586 that he first started out, and he was back again in 
September, 1587, his cruise having extended to the mouth of the river 
Plate, but in 1588 he was put in command of the " Elizabeth Bona- 
venture," a ship of the Royal Navy of six hundred tons, in which he 
set out against the Spanish Armada, and after the decisive action off 
Gravelines, he is said to have carried the news of the victory to the 
Queen in the camp at Tilbury. Then commenced his more serious 
voyages. The Queen lent him the " Golden Lion," with which to 
undertake another expedition. He equipped it at his own expense, 
gathered up other ships to accompany it, and started off, but had to 
return, after a fruitless endeavour, on account of the bad weather. 
In the next year, the Queen placed another ship at his disposal, the 
" Victory," and under similar arrangements to the last, he providing 
all the expenses of the equipment of that ship and six others. He set 
sail from Pl5miouth. With him was Edward Wright, the mathe- 
matician and hydrographer, who wrote an account of the voyage. 
He met Sir Francis Drake's vessels returning from Cadiz, was able to 
relieve them in their extremity, and then in the Channel captured 
three French ships, and several others off the coEist of Portugal. 
In the Azores, he made stUl further captures, taking and dismantling 
Fayal, called by Lady Anne " Fiall in the Zorrous Islands," and a 
little later, he and those who sailed with him, were actually successful 
in capturing an important ship, forming part of the Spanish West 
India fleet, richly laden with money and goods to great value. At 
Graciosa, he is said to have had still greater success, but there he 
was attacked, several of his men were slain, he himself wounded, and 
so they turned homewcird, but the homeward voyage was not fortu- 
nate, and the West Indiaman that had been captured was wrecked 
off the Cornish coast and utterly lost. Food and water ran short, 
but in all this tune, so Lady Anne tells us, " the Earl maintained his 
own equal temper and good presence of mind, avoiding no part of 
the distress that others, even the meanest seaman, endured." One of 
his followers, Francis Seal, also wrote concerning him, " I would that 
every man that hath no cause to the contrary would be so ready to 
reward the painful soldier and seafaring man as that noble Earl of 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 29 

Cumberland." Not satisfied by any means with the result of this 
voyage, he set out again in 1591. This time the ship lent him by the 
Queen was the " Garland," and he made several captures off the 
coast of Portugal, but returned, as the ship was not a comfortable 
one, and he did not feel easy in navigating it. Then in the next year 
he sent out five ships, under the command of Captain Norton, and 
this expedition was more successful, as a large richly laden vessel was 
captured, but some legal trouble ensued with respect to it, and the 
decision went against Lord Cumberland, to whom, however, as a 
matter of special compensation. Queen Elizabeth is said to have 
allotted a sum of £36,000. 

At that time, he was in high favour at Court, and was in 1592 created 
a Knight of the Garter. In 1593, he made a further expedition, going 
out himself with nine ships to the Azores, but he was seized with 
illness, and his friend, Captain Monson, who was acting as Vice- 
Admiral, fearing for his Mfe, sent Lord Cumberland back to England. 
The expedition was, however, exceedingly successful, and another 
great West Indiaman was captured, on this occasion. Finally in 
1595, Lord Cumberland determined to have a ship for himself really 
suitable for his purpose, and he built a powerful vessel then called 
" Malice Scourge," but afterwards known eis " The Dragon." 

After one or two abortive attempts with this vessel, he sailed out 
on an important expedition in January, 1597-8, plundering various 
ships at the Canaries and Azores, going on to Dominica and thence 
to Porto Rico, where for a while he was very successful. The Spanish 
and Portuguese were, however, on the alert for him, and this ex- 
pedition, from which he had to return, sooner than he had intended, 
was to a great extent a failure, because, although Lord Cumberland 
made a considerable gain, the cost of the expedition exceeded it. 
When he came back to London, his estate was in a most unsatisfactory 
condition. What with mortgages and sales and prodigality, he had 
reduced it to very small proportions. The land itself he was not 
able to seU, but it was heavily mortgaged, and everything that 
was available in the way of the ready money of the day appears to 
have been spent, so much so, that we are told that he was heavily in 
debt at the time of his death, although his landed estates were so 
strictly tied up that they were not seriously interfered with. 


Lady Anne. 

Some of the letters which he wrote to his wife when on these various 
expeditions are in existence. In 1586, he telb her about Sir Francis 
Drake having taken one of the chief towns in the Indies " cauled 
Santo Domyngo," and having found in it three hundred thousand 
ducats and infinite other wealth, and refers to his anxiety to do 
similar work. In 1589-90, on January 5, he writes from London to 
Lady Cumberland, announcing his safe arrival, passing lightly, as 
was the manner of an Englishman, over the difficulties and trials of 
the voyage, and sajdng that he had never, in any journey, " lost 
fewer men," and was never in better health. He adds that he would 
gladly come and deliver the news of his return to her himself, but 
had so many men to see to that he could not any way stir from London. 
Then from the " Lion " on another occasion, he writes to tell his wife 
of the capture of a Dunkirk ship bound for St. Lucas in Spain, and 
informs her that he had sent it to be unloaded in Portsmouth, and 
that all his share in the plunder was to be sent down to his wife, that 
she might do as she liked with it, and he adds that, if she finds " any- 
thing fit to give the Lord Chamberlain," it would be a benefit to him 
that such a presentation be made. 

We have interesting proof of the way in which, during all these 
various voyages he was encouraged and flattered by his Sovereign, 
in the existence amongst the Appleby muniments of an important 
letter from Queen Elizabeth, which is illustrated in this book. 

In it the Queen says, " It may seem strange to you that we should 
once vouchsafe to trouble our thoughts with any care for any person 
of roguish condition (" that is to say, of wandering habits, and also, 
perhaps, of amusing manner ") being always disposed rather to com- 
mand others to chasten men of that profession. But such is our 
pleasure," continues the Queeh, " at this time (by the opportimity 
of this messenger now repairing towards you, to let you know that 
we remember you) as we are well content to take occasion by our 
letters to express our great desire to hear of your well-doing, whereof 
we were right glad by the last reports to understand, as then we did, 
hoping well of good success in the action now you have in hand. 
If God do bless yourself with good and perfect health, which 
we principally desire." Then, however, with that extraordinary 
craft that marked the correspondence of this great Sovereign. 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 31 

Queen Elizabeth goes on to say, " Provided always you do not 
requite this our good meaning with betraying our extraordinary 
care of you to our Knight Marshal here, who may, by this our partiality 
to you abroad, grow bold hereafter in favouring them at home, whom 
we would not have him suffer to pass uncorrected for divers their 
misdemeanours. And so do we for this time (with this aforesaid 
caution) " concludes the letter, " make an end, assuring you of our 
most princely care for your safety, and daily wishes of your safe return, 
whereof we shall be right glad as any friend you have. Dated at our 
Court at Bishop's Waltham, whither we return from our progress, 
where we have spent some part of this summer in viewing our forti- 
fications at Portsmouth, and other our principal towns along the sea 
coast." The letter is dated the 9th of September, 1591, addresses 
Lord Cumberland as " Right trusty and well-beloved Cousin," and is 
signed " Your very loving Sovereign, EUzabeth R."* 

Unfortunately the gay attractions of the Court, the confidence ^ of 
the Queen, and the romantic adventures consequent upon these 
various voyages, spoiled Lord Cumberland's character, and he became 
not only a spendthrift, but a gambler, and eventually a faithless 
husband, so much so, that at last he and his wife had to separate, and 
there are comparatively few references to him in the later pages of 
his daughter's diary. In referring to the last time on which she saw 
him, she says that it was " in the open air, ffor then I tooke my leave 
of him on Greenwich Heath in Kent, as hee had brought mee so farre 
on my way towards Sutton-in-Kentt, where my Mother then lay, 
after I had bene and stayed the space of a month in the ould Howse 
at Grafton in Northamptonshire, where my ffather then lived, by 
reason of some unhappie unkindnesses towards my Mother. And 
where hee entertayned King James and Queene Anne with Magni- 
ficence. Which was a tyme of great sorrow to my Saintlyke Mother, 
till I returned back againe to her from my Father, the sayd first 
dale of September." 

Lord Cumberland outlived his Sovereign, as he threatened to outlive 
his income, and the fruits of his carelessness with regard to money 

* The spelling is modernised and the frequent capital letters are omitted. 
' Lord Cumberland was one of the Commissioners whom Elizabeth instructed to try Mary 
Queen of Scots, and he was present at her execution. 

32 Lady Anne. 

affairs are still to be seen in the documents which Whitaker more 
particularly examined in the muniment rooms at Skipton and at 
Appleby. " He sold much land," says his daughter, " and con- 
sumed his estate in continual building of ships, voyages, horse-racing. 
Tilting, Shooting, Bowling Matches and all such expensive sports." 
Why he actually separated from his wife cannot now be declared, 
but the reason is always stated to have been a low intrigue, and 
Whitaker says that there are families still in Craven who are said 
to derive their origin from his amours at that time. Then, as we 
have seen in the entry just quoted, he entertained with magnificence 
the new king and queen, but his constitution was worn out, and a 
very Mttle while afterwards he died, at the age of forty-seven. 

There is, however, an important letter amongst the archives which 
must be given to this very period, and which it seems probable was 
written from Grafton to be sent down to his wife. It is endorsed (not 
in Ladjf Anne's writing, but in that of one of her secretaries), " A very 
kind letter of his Lordship, written in the tyme of great sickness, 
wherein he offereth satisfaction for wrongs, comforteth her Ladyship 
agaynst his death, intreateth her to thmk well of his will, and re- 
questeth her to conceyve righthe off his brother, etc." The letter 
which is illustrated, reads thus : — 

Sweet and dear Meg, 

Bear with, I pray thee, the short and unapt setting together of these 
my last lines, a token of true kindness, which I protest cometh out of an 
unfeigned heart of love to thee, for whose content, and to make satisfaction 
for the wrongs done to thee, I have, since I saw thee, more desired to return 
than for any other earthly cause, but being so low brought as that, without 
God's miraculous favour, there is no great likelihood of it, I, by this, if so it 
please God that I shall not in earnestness make my last requests, which, as 
ever thou lovest me, lying so, I pray thee perform for me, being dead first. 
In greedy earnestness I desire thee not to offend God in grieving too much at 
this His disposing of me, but let thy assured hope that He hath done it for the 
saving of my soul rather comfort thee, considering that we ought most to rejoice 
when we see a thing, that is either for the good of our souls, or of our friends, 
and^ further I beg of thee that thou wilt take, as I have meant, in kindness, 
the course I have set down for the disposing of my estate, and things left 
behind which truly, if I have not dealt most kindly with thee in, I am mis- 
taken, and, as ever thou lovest (which I know thou hast done faithfully and 
truly) sweet Meg, let either old conceit, new opinion, nor false lying tale make 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 33 

thee fall to ht^rd opinioi^ nor suit with my brot^ier. Fqr this I protest now, 
whesn I tremble to. sjieakj that which vipon any just colpur may be turne4 to a 
lie thou h^st gonceived wrong of him, for his nature is sweet, and though wrong 
conceit might well have urged him, yet hath he never, to my knowledge, said 
or done anything to harm thee or thine, but with tears hath often bemoaned 
hirnself to me that he could not devise how to, make thee conceive rightly of 
him, and lastly, before the presence of God, I command thee, and in the nearest 
loye of my heart I desire thee, to take great care that sweet Nan, whom God 
bl,ess, may be carefully brought up in the fear of God, not to delight in worldly 
V9,nities, which I too well know be the baits to draw her out of the Heavenly 
Kingdom, and I pray thee, thank thy kind uncle and aunt for her and their 
many kindnesses to me. Thus out of the bitter and greedy desire of a repentant 
heart, begging thy pardon for any wrong that ever in my life I did thee, I com- 
mend these rny requests to thy wonted and undeserved kind wifely and lovely 
consideration, my body to, God's disposing, and my love to His merciful com- 

Thine as wholly as ever man was woman's, 

(Signed) George Cumberland. 

TJiis most pathetic epistle bears a delightful superscription in 
Lord Cumberland's own handwriting as follows : — " To my dear wife, 
Countess of Cumberland, give this, of whom, from the bottom, of my 
J^eart, in the presence of God, I ask forgiveness for all the wrongs I 
have done her." It is clear, therefore, that whatever may have been 
ys mistakes in the past, he endeavoured, as far as affection could go, 
to atojie for them at the end of his Ufe. Lady Anne tells usi, in the 
inscription on the great picture, that " he died penitently, -yviUingly, 
and Chris tianly." In the diary, she records his death in this phrase, 
sayipg that " My nouble and Brave father died in the Duchy house 
by the Savoy at ^.ondon nere the River of Thames when hee was 
a^out three months past fortie seven yeares ould. My Mother and I 
beitig present with him at his death, I being then just fifteene yeares 
arici nyne Months ould the same date. When a little before his death 
Hee expressed with much affection to my mother and mee. And a 
great EleHefe that hee had that his Brother's sonne would dye without 
issue male, and thereby aU his Landes would come to bee myne, 
which, accordingly," adds Lady Anne, " befell about thirty-eight 
yeares after, ffor his Brother's son, Henereye, Earle of Cumberland, 
^yed without Heires male in the Citie of York, the eleventh of Dec- 
emfeer^ 1643." 


34 Lady Anne. 

It would have been well for the estates if Lord Cumberland had not 
made the unfortimate will which was the subject of so much litigation 
after his decease, and by which he illegally broke the entail made in 
the reign of Edward II, and Lady Anne seems to imply, by this 
statement, that he was beginning to regret having made it, when per- 
chance there was not any time for its alteration. He was evidently 
deeply attached to his brother, Francis, whom he so earnestly com- 
mends in the letter to his wife, and he appears to have believed, very 
likely with good reason, that the great estates of the Cliffords could 
not be alienated from the male line, and must necessarily go to his 
brother after his death. On the other hand, it has been suggested 
that as Sir Francis Clifford, who afterwards became fourth Earl of 
Cumberland, was a man of considerable property in his own right. 
Lord Cumberland may have thought that perhaps, by means of his 
brother's money, some of the mortgages would be cleared, and a portion 
of the estate which he had so deeply involved, liberated ; but in any 
case, whether for one reason or another, he left the whole of the estates 
to his brother and to his successor, and by such means, kept his only 
child from obtaining them for nearly thirty-eight years, during a 
great part of which time her mother was lighting vahantly for them 
on her behalf. Lady Anne herself confesses that it was for the love 
Lord Cumberland bore to his brother and for the sake of the advance- 
ment of the heirs male of his house, that he left the estates in this way. 
He knew that his daughter could not succeed to his Earldom, but 
did not appear to realise, nor did Lady Anne at first understand, 
that the Barony of Clifford could come down to her, and that the 
estates were already entailed on her. He did, however, make a definite 
proviso that all his castles and lands and honours should return to 
her, his only daughter and heir, if the heirs male failed, and, with a 
sort of chuckle. Lady Anne records this, and adds " which they 
afterwards did." In speaking of his decease, she reminds us that he 
was the last heir male of the Cliffords who had rightfully enjoyed the 
lands and honours which had been given to the family by King John 
and by King Edward II. She says he was the seventeenth in descent 
from the first Robert de Vipont that rightfully possessed the West- 
morland estate, and the thirteenth from the first Robert de Clifford 
that rightfully possessed the Craven estates, and goes on to make 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 35 

clear how the lands had descended from father to son, except on two 
occasions in the reign of Edward TIL, when they had gone from 
brother to brother. She emphasizes in this passage and elswhere in 
the diary the fact that her father w£is the last male who rightfidly 
enjoyed the estates, for, to the last hour of her life she declined to 
admit that her uncle and her cousin had any claim whatever upon 
the property. 

Lord Cumberland's will was dated April 27th, 1605, and proved at 
York, 8th January, 1606, administration being granted to his brother, 
Francis Earl of Cumberland, as the other executor, Robert Earl of 
Sahsbury, renounced probate. He had, however, made another will 
in the previous October, for, in this final one, he cancels the previous 
will, and says that he had great and good reason to alter the previous 
disposition of his property, seeing that his debts had become much 
greater since he had made his first will. He is careful at the outset 
to secure the portion to his daughter Lady Anne, £15,000, and for 
that he makes over certain lands and leases, together with a very 
valuable and important license which he held from the King, for the 
exportation of undressed cloths, to his two executors, and to Lord 
Wotton, Sir Francis Chfford, and John Taylor his servant, who were 
from that estate to pay his debts, and to pay over to Lady Anne her 
portion. He then goes on to leave to his wife the furniture which 
was in his house at ClerkenweU. He bequeathes to Lord Salisbury 
a pointed diamond ring which he was in the habit of wearing, with a 
basin and ewer of silver, and three horses, to his friends Lord Wotton, 
Lord Wharton, and Sir William Ingleby, the first named having his 
" bald jennet," the second the gelding which he used for his own 
saddle, named Grey Smithfield, and the third a gelding named Grey 

The only other legacies are four thousand pounds each to his brother's 
two daughters Margaret and Frances CUfford, and to his lawyer, 
Richard Hutton,' a hundred angels, and at the conclusion of the will; 
he gives most hearty thanks to God for giving him time for repentance 
and to settle his estates. The important clause as to the land refers 
to a previous arrangement which he had made in the 33rd year of 

« Second son of Arthur Hutton of Penrith. He was, later on, Serjeant Hunter, and in 1617 
knighted and made a puisne judge of the common pleas. He died z8th February, 1638-9. F, 

36 Lady Anne. 

Elizabeth, where by a fine he had barred his father's entail, and 
settled his lands. It also referred back to a deed of settlement in the 
third year of King James, and now, by this will, he confirmed all 
these arrangements, settling the estate upon his brother. Sir Francis 
Clifford, but declaring that after his death without male issue all wjis 
to come to Lady Anne. 

There is, however, an interesting statement in the will respecting 
some of the lands in Cumberland, which apparently were not then in 
the Earl's own hands. Whether he had mortgaged them to the 
Crown is not very clear, or whether they were held by the Crown, 
under some particular demand; but he says " I desire my trustees to 
present this my laste requeste to my most gratious Sovereign, that 
it will please his Majesty to grante unto my said brother those lands 
in Cumberland for which I have bene a suitor longe unto his Majesty, 
when I had noe doubte but to have prevaled, accordinge to his Majesty's 
princelie word and promisse, if it had pleased God to have spared 
me life." 

As regards Lady Anne's mother, we have already inentioned that 
the marriage was arranged when the two parties were quite children, 
in fact. Lord Cumberland was not twelve years old, when his father 
died, and the Earl of Bedford, knowing of the existence of this arrange- 
ment, wrote to Queen Elizabeth, January 3rd, 1570, a yery respectful 
letter, asking that he might be the suitor to the Queen for the wardship 
of this young boy. He was fully aware of the importance of having 
the young Earl of Cumberland under his control. " I beseech God," 
says he, " to send unto your Majesty a most prosperous E^nd helthful 
raigne, to God's glory and your heart's desire." Queeri EUzabeth, 
in granting Lord Bedford's request, speaks of him as s^ man dearly 
loved by her and all her kingdom, and so it was that young Cun^berjand 
was transferred to the care of his guardian, and spent thq years of his 
boyhood with Lord Bedford's three daughters, Anne, Elizabeth, and 
Margaret. Of the youngest, who was to be his bride, her father's 
seventh and youngest child, we learn that she was born at Exeteif 
on the seventh of July, 1560, her mother dying two years afterwards 
qf smallpox. For some seven years, Margaret was sent away to live 
with her aunt, Mrs. Elmes, at Lillford, Northamptonshire, where she 
lived an open-air country life, and grew up healthy and robust. 


by an unknown artist. 
At Hothfield Place (see page 36). 

To face page 36. 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 37 

So happy was she that years afterwards she sent her own daughter 
to the same spot to spend some of her early years, " which," says 
Lady Anne, " caused this Mother and Daughter ever after to love a 
Country life the better, they being both there Seasoned with the 
ground of goodness and rehgion." When she was eight years old, 
Margaret came back to Woburn, because her father had married a 
second time, and although there is no reason to suppose that her 
stepmother was not kind to her, yet it was Margaret's elder sister 
Anne, who had married Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, brother to the 
famous Lord Leicester, of whom she always spoke as as her tenderest 
friend and protectress through life, and of whom her own daughter 
afterwards wrote saying that " she was a mother in affection to her 
younger brothers and sisters, and to their children, especially to the 
Lady Anne CUfford " that is to say, to the person who was writing 
the diary herself. Lady Warwick, for whom Lady Anne always enter- 
tained the deepest affection, does, in fact, appear to have been a good 
and charming woman, and never was spoken of, either in the diary, or 
ino ther contemporary records, save in terms of high praise. Lady Anne 
herself, in one place, tells us that Lady Warwick, who came to serve 
Queen Elizabeth when very young, and served the queen when maid, 
wife, and widow, almost from the beginning of her reign to her death, 
was " more beloved and in greater favour with the Queen than any 
other woman in the kingdom, and no less in the whole Court and the 
Queen's dominions which she deserved. She was a great friend," 
continues the record, " to virtue, and a helper to many petitioners 
and others in distress." A Sonnet written by Henry Constable 
(1562-1613) is specially addressed to the two sisters, Margaret, Countess 
of Cumberland and Anne, Cotmtess of Warwick, and speaks of these 
two ladies in high terms, praising their learning and their virtue. 

She was seventeen, and her husband only nineteen, when the 
marriage which had been arranged for so many years took place on 
June 24th, 1577. It was at St. Mary Overie's near London (now the 
cathedral church of Southwark) that the ceremony was performed, 
and Queen Elizabeth honoured it with her presence. It must not be 
forgotten that Lord Cumberland's father had married a royal wife, 
and it may have been for that reason that Queen Elizabeth decided 
to be present, but the marriage was one of more than ordinary im- 

38 Lady AnnC. 

portance, because at the same time. Lord Cumberland's sister Lady 
Frances was married to Lord Wharton, and the festivities and rejoic- 
ings were for the double marriage. The bride and groom, as has 
been well said, were curiously ill-suited to one another and possessed 
at first of but slender means. " She was pensive and delicate, he 
adventurous and fond of display." As regards her character, every- 
thing proves that she was a woman of a hght heart, but of constancy 
and great determination. Her daughter says even more than that 
about her, and allowing for the natural affection which Lady Anne 
felt for her mother, we may be quite sure that a good many of the 
statements which she makes were justified by fact. " She was 
naturally of a high spirit," said her daughter, " though she tempered 
it by grace, having a very well favoured face, with sweet and quick 
grey eyes, and of a comely personage. She was of a graceful behaviour," 
continues the daughter, " which she increased the more by being 
civil and courteous to all sorts of people. She had a discerning spirit, 
both in the dispositions of human creatures and natural causes, and 
into the affairs of the world. She had a great, sharp, natural wit, 
so as there was few things worthy of knowledge but that she had 
some insight into them, for, though she had no language but her own, 
there are few books of worth translated into English, but she read 
them." Finally, she says that her mother was " deeply interested 
in alchemy, and she found out many excellent medicines that did 
good to many people, and that she distilled waters and chemical 
extractions, delighting in the work, for she had a good deal of know- 
ledge of minerals, of herbs, of flowers, and of plants." In later days 
" the chief est of all her worldly desires and the idea of her heart was 
that her Daughter should inherit the Landes." " Her Spirit," adds 
Lady Anne, " never yielded to ill fortune or opposition." 

It is pleasant to know that, despite all the indifference, prodigality, 
and folly of her talented husband, and the fact that for a few years 
she had to hve away from him, they were able to return to one another 
at the last, and that his wife and his little girl were there present at 
his decease, while the death of her father seems to have made a great 
impression upon the child. May we not trace part of this happy 
issue to the pathetic wording of the letter which Lord Cumberland 
sent so shortly before his death to the wife whom it is evident he 

The Father and Mother of Lady Anne. 39 

loved all his life, and who was always to him his " sweet and dear 

Lady Cumberland's will was dated April 27th, 1616, and commences 
with the ordinary reUgious phraseology, which is, in her case, rather 
fuller than usual, and in which she clearly states that at that time 
she was very ill. She desires that her debts may be paid, and she 
says that they had grown without any fault in her, partly through 
the want of the means which her late lord should have paid her, and 
that by special order and commandment both from the king and queen 
and partly because of the necessary charges in law that she had sus- 
tained for the preservation of her daughter's inheritance and her 
own jointure, but she is most definite that these debts are all to be 
paid first, to the full contentment of her creditors. She then goes 
on to refer to the almshouse she had commenced, which was to 
be completed, and she leaves her nephews the Earl of Bedford and 
Lord Russell as the trustees for all her land, which she bequeathes 
to her daughter, with remainder to Lady Margaret her granddaughter, 
then to Lord Fitzwarren' and his heirs, then to her nephew Lord 
Francis Russell and his heirs, and then to whoever may be her heirs 
at the time. In respect to her jointure lands, she has an interesting 
clause, showing the kindly feeling which she exercised towards her 
tenants. " If I shall happen shortly to depart this lyfe," she says, 
" my tenants wiU be driven to fine again, and that, happilye before 
they have recovered their charge sustained that way. If I dye within 
a year," she adds, " they are to have a third of their fine spaired them, 
and if within two years, having received their whole fines, a third 
is to be given back." She directs that her good friend Sir Christopher 
Pickering® should take command over aU her servants and her estab- 
lishment, and he was to have under his control the safe keeping of her 
goods, and she arranges that, if she dies in Westmorland, her body 
may be buried in the parish church where her brother, Francis Lord 
RusseU, had already been interred. To that part of the wiU, she 
makes a special codicil, adding that, as her brother, Francis Lord 
RusseU, was buried at Alnwick in Northumberland, she agrees that 

' Sir Edward Bourcbier, K.B, Afterwards Earl of Bath. His mother was Elizabeth 
daughter of Francis, Earl of Bedford. 

• Knighted July 5th, 1607. He had a " bastard daughter," who married John Dudley, M.P. 
for Carlisle in 1601. — ^F. 

40 Lady Anne. 

ske should be iDuried wherever her " deat and hobl'e soi'e dau^ter a,nd 
heire " Anne Countess of Dorset, should think fit. To the 'Mil, 
however, is appended a very long schedule, in which It would appear 
that she mentions almost all her friends, leaving to each of therii 
some interesting bequest as a memorial of her. Lord Shrewsbury 
receives a gilt bowl, and his wife a ring with seven diiihonds, the Earl 
of Bedford a cabinet with drawers, and his wife a satin cahojiy, eiii- 
broidered, with the stool belonging to it, her nephew, Lofd Fitzwa,rreh, 
is to receive her best horse, or else £20, her niece, Lady Herbert, "Du 
Plessis" [PhiUppe de Momay, 1549-1623] a book oh the Sacrament of 
the Mass, and her son John a gilt porringer with a cover. Lady 
Howard of Effingham is to have a ring with five diamonds. Lady Hast- 
ings a dozen of pearl buttons with true lover's knots on them, and 
Lady Barrowghes a dozen of the same, while Lady Bowes^ gets a dozen 
buttons set in garnets. Lord Francis Russell, her nephexvj was to 
receive a gold ring with five diamonds, and his Wife a jewel V?ith 
three pearls, while to both Of them joiiltly SVere to be giVeh tWb pieces 
of cloth of gold, embroidered with great peatls and sefed pearis. 
Lady Chandoues was to have a case of glasses with silVer to^s. 
Lady Dudley a colt and two horses, and her daughter, ^io. ]fc. 
Henry Vincent, who w£is connected witk the estate, was to haVe 
three of the lesser silver dishes. Dr. Layfield^" two greatef isilVer 
(iishes, and Mr. Oldworth, her lawyer, a basiti and ew6r, and 
ills wife a silver bowl, Sir Philip Tyrvdtt half a dozeh silver 
plates, his wife a cloth of gold mantle, and their daug;liler " Mrs. 
Matte," a ring with four little diaihohds. Her ?;ousin, Slizafeeth 
Apsley, was to have a petticoat of cloth of silver, errlbfoidered \Vitii 
hops, another cousin. Hall, a bowl worth £6, ifi'd his wife A velvet 
gown. Sir Edward Yorke was to hive £16, and his wif6 a length 'Of 
cloth of gold, a Mr. and Mrs. Cole were given two cabinets of 'glass, 
kr. Shute, a preacher, a Bible, and her worthy friend Sb Christopher 
Pickeiring, who has already been mentioned, her best gilt chp. Then 
follow the legacies to her servants. One was left a silk grbsgfalh 

» Perhaps Margaret, third wife of Sir Francis Bowes of Thornton, and daughter of Robert 
Mavil.— F. 

1" John Layfield, D.D., Scholar of Trin. Coll., Cam., 1578, and Felldw 15855 Reader in 'Greek, 
1593; 5le'ctor of St. eietilents Dan-eS, ieoi, till his decease. He was on* of tie tevfeersof the 
Bible in 1601. 

The Father aniJ MdiflEft br Lady Anne. 4i 

gown aM £lo, ahothet, £ib, aM jl Ihitd |Sd-. A neighbttU!-, Iltrs. 
t'rackenthorpe, SvAs to haVe two gold ebiiis of king James {" tWo 
Jacobus piectes in gold "], ail'other sfeirvaht was to reeelVb ohe of hfei: 
best miires and her foal, and her taiAnaget tVvo fieees ot lapeslfy, 
r&pres'etitiiig the story of Deborah. 

With the idea that her body Was to be bUiifed in NofthumMrland, 
she bequeathed £6 13s. 4d. to the poor of that pMiJ^, and the same 
amount to the poor in Brougham and the poor in Appleby. She 
also declared that threescore ]p66f men and women were to have 
presented to them for her funeral a gown each, finally, %he 
implies that the parson of iBroughiih has, oh her account, got into 
sonie trouble, for she said " t desire my honourable daughter to 
respecte, favor and coimtenance Mt. Bradley, parson of firoughaih, 
that he sustain noe wfonge as she should doe for rhyselfe seeihge he 
hath many eniihies for my sake, and will find opportunities for speaking 
the truth." It seerhs to be possible from an indirect reference to this 
man in another place that he was one of the persons who took her 
side, in an action she brought against some difficult tenants, aaid 
perhaps, therefore, for that reason, he had got into some local trouble. 

Lady Cumberland had made a previous wiU on the i8th of December, 
1613, and this will is still to be found in the Appleby muniment room. 
In that she says that she was to be buried near to wherever she died 
and she makes some strong statements about the executors of her 
husband, because they had left a great part of her jointure unpaid, 
and that therefore, to her annoyance, she had to incur serious debts 
in Westmorland. 

The finest portrait of Lady Cumberland is the full length oiie which 
now hangs at Hothfield Place, and which came origiaally from the 
North. It is, in all probability, the very portrait which himg in 
Lady Anne's room in Brougham Castle, and to which she alludes. 
There is another excellent portrait of Lady Cumberland, also at 
Hothfield, an oval one, head and shoulders only, which came from 
Skipton Castle, and the costume, which is adorned with ivy leaves, 
and is of an unusually rich character, is very much the same in eadi 
of the two portraits. It is not knoWn who is responsible for either 
of them, but the full-length must have been painted by an artist of 
the first rank. It is a skilful representation of a remarkable personage. 

Both have been specially photographed for these pages. 

42 Lady Anne. 

At Bill HiD, Wokingham, the seat of Mrs. Leveson-Gower, is a 
replica or a copy of the oval portrait, also quite an important one of 
Margaret's husband, the Earl of Cumberland, a fine strong piece of 
work ; and a portrait of Lady Anne, resembling one of those at Appleby. 
These have descended from Lady Mary, the last surviving daughter 
of Thomas the sixth Earl of Thanet, who, as her second husband, 
married John, Earl Gower. 

While these pages have been passing through the press an interest- 
ing letter has been discovered at Althorp amongst the family papers 
belonging to Earl Spencer, K.G., addressed to a certain Mr. Henry 
Arthington, from Wakefield, to Lord Cumberland, on the last day of 
August, 1602, and conveying a present of some citron, orcinges and 
lemons to Lord Cumberland, and in return asking for a buck from his 
forest. As the letter possesses some quaint interest of its own, it has 
been thought well to insert it at this place. It reads thus : 

The Lorde direct and prosper ) , 

, • „ i- r I Amen, 

your honor in all your wayes ) 

My moste honorable good Lorde, havinge bene Lately at London, To take 
further order with my Creditors (for Mr. Saviles dett,) and meetinge ther &c. 
with such Noveltis as weare fitt for noble personages I thought it no Less then 
my bounden dutie to present your Lo: with part (or rather the principal! 
therof vidz : A Lardge pounde Citeron, Two fayxe oringes and half e a dosen 
Limmons the best I coulde gett : humblie intreatinge your good Lo : to accept 
of them, as an excuse for not cominge myselfe to see your honor : beinge so 
weared with my Long Jorney, As I am not well able to travell further. Your 
best beloved Lady and sole daughter, weare both in health, when I came from 
London ; And so I take my leave of your Lordshipe with humble request, that 
your Lordshipe would bestowe a bucke of me (for my fathers sake) to make 
mery with my Neybors, now at my returene. So shall I have greater cawse 
(As I have much alredy) To pray for the noble Earle of Cuberlande whos Lyfe, 
God prolonge w*" much increase of honor, Wakefield this Last day of Augustei 

Your Right honorable Lordships in all duetifulness 

Henry Arthington. 

If Mr. farrand deceased, had bene capable of his speach when I last see him 
I had delt w* him for the ould matter. 

Endorsed — To the Right honoraWe the Earle of Cumberlande his singular 
good Lorde. This &c. 




WHEN Lord and Lady Cumberland were married, they went 
off at once to Skipton Castle, where, at that time, Anne 
Dacre, Dowager Countess, was residing,^ and for the first 
few years of their married life, they lived in that place, paying, at 
intervals, some short visits to Brougham Castle, Wharton HaU, or to 
Buxton. The yoimg Lady Cumberland soon became very poptilar 
with her neighbours. " She was dearly loved by all worthy and good 
folk," sajre Lady Anne, and she was a favourite with the Dowager 
Countess who " had a high estimation of her goodness." Her health, 
however, was not satisfactory, perhaps owing to the extreme cold of 
Yorkshire and Westmoreland, and gradually "she grew extreme sickly 
and discontented, and soe continued for five or six yeares together, 
till at last she fell into a kind of consumption soe as many thought 
she would never have had any children." The joume}^ to Buxton 
occurred at more frequent intervals, and apparently the restorative 
air of that place worked wonders. She gradually got much better, 
and then ensued the happy time between her and her husband, which 
lasted down till about 1602, and most of the letters which we possess, 
and from which we have hitherto quoted, relate to that period, although 
some of them are of a later date. " After this tedious tyme of sickness 
was past," says Lady Anne, " it pleased God to bless this virtuous 
lady with the extreme love and affection of her husband, which lasted 
about nyne or tenne years towards her, and but little more." During 
this time, her two little boys were born, about whom the sister writes 
in agreeable fashion. 
The elder, Francis, was bom at Skipton in 1584, his father being 

^ There is a tapestry covered chair still at Skipton with her arms embroidered upon it. 


Lady Anne. 

at that time in the Castle, and there it was that he died, at the age 
of five years and eight months, when he was buried in the vault of 
SMpton Church, amongst many of his ancestors. His tomb is still 
to be seen, and is illustrated in this book, although, curiously enough, 
the original inscription on it stated that he was of the age of six years 
and eight months when he died. Whereas Lady Anne, both in her 
diary and in the inscription on her picture, declares that his age was 
only five years and feight months. That on the brass declared him 
to be " an infant of most rare towardness in all the appearances that 
might promise wisdom and magnanimity," but the actual brass 
containmg this inscription, and a long Latin verse and the wrong 
age was stolen from the tomb some years ago, and was replaced later 
on by another smaller and simpler brass, which declares that he died 
about the nth of December, 1589, being of the age of five years and 
eight months. 

Lady Aime, in her account of him, speaks tlius " He was a child 
that promised as much goodnesse as could possibly bee in such tender 
years* and was even mlling to depart out of this world to his Maker," 
and again " he was admired by aU those who knew him for his goodness 
and devotion even to wonder considering his childish yeares." When 
he died, she says that his father. Lord Cumberland, was away, and 
bis mother had to bear the burden of his loss all by herself, while the 
inscription on the picture adds to this statement that the " sayd 
Father was then beyond the seas in Munster in Ireland, wheather he 
was driven on land by extremity of tempest and great hazard of fife, 
10 days before the death of his sayd sonne when that Earle was then 
on his returne from the He Azores in the West Indies." 

The other boy, Roberty was born at North Hall in Hertfordshire 
where Lord and Lady Cumberland were staying at the time. His 
birth occurred • on the 21st September, 1585, and by the death 
of his elder brother. Lord Francis, he came to be Lord Clifford in 1589, 
but, as Lady Anne tells us in pathetic language, " as theare was neere 
a year and six moneths betweene theire births, soe was theare neere 
a yeare and six moneths betweene theire deaths." They both, as it 
happened, died when they came to the age of five years and eight 
months, and each in the same house in which he had been born. 

Htet record of -Robert says that he was " a child of a rare witt ^nd 

The Two I-ittxe Boys. 45 

spirritt, ^nd of a very sweete nature, and ha,d m?iny affection? Ir him 
far above his years, which made his loss farre more bitter to his 
parents, especially to hiss deare mother, who mourned most bitterly 
for him while shee lived, though she died not, as she expectedj till 
on that day five and twenty years after his death." To his decease 
Lady Anne also alludes in her diary, saying " When I Vf&s ahont a 
year and fower months ould, died my second Brother Robert, then 
Lord Clifford, in North hall in Hartfordshire th§ fower and twentieth 
of May in one thowsand five hundred and nynetie-one," while in the 
inscription on the great picture she goes on further to state " He was 
a child endowed with many perfections of nature for so few years, 
and likely to have made a gallant man. His sorrowful Mother and 
hir then little daughter and onely child, the Lady Anne, was in the 
house at Northall when he died, which Lady Anne Clifford was then, 
but a yeare and 4 moneths old, whoe by the death of hir said brother 
Lord Robert CUfford, came to be sole heire to both hir Parents," 
In this instance also Lady Cumberland had to bear her burden alone, 
because her husband at the time of Lord Robert's death was on one. 
of his voyages over the seas towards Spain and the West Indies. 
She had also been plunged in grief on the occasion of his birth, for he 
was born just at the moment when she had lost id one day her father 
and brother, and the earldom of Bedford had passed away to her 

In the record concerning the two children. Lady Anne tells us that, 
according to the curious custom of the day, some of the " inward 
parts " of her brother's body were buried in the church at North Hall 
where he died, but the body itself was taken to Chenies in Bucking- 
hamshire, and there laid amongst his mother's ancestors. The record 
of the little boy's burial there is still to be found, but there has never 
been, so far as we know, any tomb erected to his memory. 

Lady Anne then goes on in the conclusion of her sentence to tell 
us about her own birth, and is particular to state that by birthright, 
being the only surviving child of her parents, she was " Baroness 
Clifford, Westmoreland and Vescy, High Sheriffess of that county, 
Lady of the Honour of Skipton-in-Craven, of whom more shall be 
said hereafter in the records of her time." 

The deep affection which she states existed between her father 

46 Lady Akne. 

and mother, and which lasted for ten years, had been broken off, as 
has been seen in the last chapter, in about 1603, when husband and 
wife were no longer on speaking terms, but it is quite clear from some 
of the letters, dated many years afterwards, that at least some measure 
of affection was kept up, and it is certain from the long letter already 
quoted that towards the end of his life Lord Cumberland repented 
of what he had done to his wife, made it up with her, so that she and 
her little girl were both present when he died. 

While the two brothers were living, and when the younger one 
seemed to be growing weaker day by day, their mother, according to 
Lady Anne, " had a strange kind of Divinittg Dream or Vision, which 
appeared to her in a fearful manner in Barden Tower." It told her 
that her two boys should pass away, that her expected child should 
be a daughter, should live to be her only child, and should inherit 
all the vast estates of her ancestors. Lady Cumberland is said to have 
dwelt much on this vision at the time when her daughter's rights 
were being severely contested, and when there seemed to be little 
chance of her winning the day. Lady Anne, in referring to it, says 
of her mother, " Undoubtedly while she lived here in this world, 
her spirit had more conversation with Heaven and heavenly con- 
templations than with terrene and earthly matters," 




ON the death of Lady Anne's father, the title passed to his brother, 
and with it, by his unfortunate will, the greater part of the 
estates, the Appleby and Brougham property alone con- 
tinuing in the possession of Lady Cumberland, as it formed her 
jointure. Lady Anne tells us that the explanation, as far as she 
understood it, was that her father, for " the love hee bare to his 
Brother, and the Advancement of the heires male of his howse," left 
to his brother Francis, who succeeded him in his Earldom of Cumber- 
land, and to his heirs male, " all his Castles, Landes and honors," 
with the proviso that they were to return to her if he died without 
heirs male. Before we deal with the ensuing contest concerning 
the estates, which commenced during the time of Lady Anne's 
first marriage, it would be well to give some reference to her uncle, 
who now became fourth Earl of Cumberland, and to his son Henry, 
who succeeded him. She herself gives us some information in her 
great volume of records, but, true to her determined feeling that he 
had no right to the estates, she deals with the career of uncle and 
nephew in a very different fashion from the way in which she has re- 
corded information concerning other of her ancestors and relations, 
and particularly notes that all which she says about Francis, fourth 
Earl and his son, is "by way of digression," and that her statements 
do not follow on in natural sequence from what has preceded them. 
She always regarded them as interlopers, and lost no opportunity of 
making this perfectly clear. She tells us that he (Francis) was bom 
in Skipton Castle in October 1559, and that he was forty-five years 
old when he came, by the death of his elder brother, to be fourth Earl. 
She goes on to set down that he was knighted when very young by 

48 Lady Anne. 

Queen EHzabeth, and by King James installed as a Knight of the 
Bath at the same time as that monarch's son Charles was created 
Duke of York, and that this ceremony took place in the hall at White- 
hall. He married, she says, " Mistress Grizzill Hughes," the daughter 
of Mr. Thomas Hughes of Uxbridge in Middlesex, who was widow of 
Edward Nevill, Lord Abergavenny, and by her he had four children. 
The eldest, George, was born at Uxbridge and died before he was a 
year old, in his mother's jointure house in Somersetshire, left to her 
by her first husband. Henry, the second child, was born at Londes- 
borough in Yorkshire in 1592, and he hved to be fifth Earl of Cimiber- 
land, but left no male issue. Margaret, the third child, was also bom 
at Londesborough in 1594. She married, after her father became 
Earl of Cumberland; Sir Thomas Wentworth, who, many years after 
her decease, was created Earl of Strafford, and was beheaded on 
Tower Hill in London, on May 12th, 1641. His wife had predeceased 
him, dying at the great house at Stepney, she tells us, of " a burning 
fever," leaving no children behind her. Her husband married 
again, and by his second wife had a son who eventually succeeded 
him as Earl of Strafford. The fourth child was Frances, bom in 
1596, also in Londesborough, and she married, after the death of her 
mother in Skipton Castle, Sir Gervase Clifton, as his second wife, 
and by him had a son called Clifford, and many daughters. Lady 
Anne says that she was a " very witty and a very good woman." 

This Sir Gervase Clifton, one of the first Baronets, was a remarkable 
man as regards his family life. He had no fewer than seven wives, 
and married the seventh when he was seventy years old. His first 
wife was Penelope, the daughter of the first Earl of Warwick, and by 
her he had a son who succeeded him, also named Gervase, who died 
in 1613. His second wife we have just referred to, and besides his 
son by her. Sir Clifford Clifton, he had, as Lady Anne tells us, " divers 
daughters," but the names of only two of them, Anne and Lettice, 
are recorded, and therefore, in all probability, they were the only two 
who grew up. His third wife was a widow, Mary Egioke (Lady Leke), 
his fourth also a widow, Isabel Meek (Mrs. Hodges), and his fifth was 
Anne, daughter of Sir F. South ; all these died without issue in the 
years 1630, 1637, and 1639, respectively. His sixth wife was Jane 
Elyre, who had at least four children, Robert, James, Elizabeth and 

The Two Last Earls of Cumberland. 49 

Mary, and died in 1655, and then his seventh wife was AlicCj the 
elder daughter of Henry, fifth Earl of Huntingdon. She outlived 
him, and this much-married baronet died himself in 1666 at the age 
of eighty. 

With regard to Lord Cumberland's wife, Lady Anne speaks thus, 
" This Grizzel Hughes, Lady of Abergavenny, lived Countess of 
Cumberland seven years, seven months, and sixteen days, and when 
that time was expired, died at her husband's house at Lonsborrow in 
Yorkshire, and was buried in the church there. She was a prudent 
and a wise lady. It is to be noted, though she lived so many years 
Countess of Cumberland, yet was she never in Skipton Castle in Craven, 
nor in Westmoreland, for she loved peace, and the great suits-at-law 
that were between her husband and his sister-in-law, Margaret, 
Coimtess Dowager of Cumberland, for the maintenance of the right 
of her only daughter, made her unwilling to come into either of those 
places whUe they were in controversy." Then, with regard to the 
husband, Lady Anne tells us that he was never out of England, and 
he was evidently a quiet, serious old gentleman,^ a complete contrast 
in every way to his brother. He does not appear to have done any- 
thing of extraordinary importance throughout his entire Hfe, but to 
have carried out the duties of a large landowner in a quiet and satis- 
factory fashion, whUe it is implied that out of his own means he 
liberated some of the lands from the burdens there were upon them. 
He lived to the age of eighty-two, and then died at Skipton, in the 
very same room in which he had been bom. His only son was absent 
on the occasion of his death, but his daughter-in-law was there, and 
appears to have attended the funeral in Skipton, when he was 
buried in the great famUy vault under the church. Lady Anne was 
at that time at her first husband's house at Ramsbury in Wiltshire, 
and she records the fact of her uncle's death in these words, " The one 
and twentieth of Januarie one thousand six hundred and fortie-one, 
died my Unckle Francis, Earle of Cumberland, when hee was nere 

fowerscore and two yeares ould and his onelie Child Henerie 

Lord Clifford, who succeeded him in the Earldome lived but two 

1 Not always however ! See an entry in his household books, 1618. " Paid for a pair of carna- 
tion silk stockings and a pair of ash coloured taffeta garters and roses edged with silver lace 
given by my lord to Mrs. Douglas Sheffield she drawing my lord for her Valentine, £3 los. od." 


50 Lady Anne. 

years tenne moneths and some twenty dayes after him." In the 
record concerning the uncle and nephew she says " This Earl Francis ^ 
was an honourable gentleman, and of a good, noble, sweet and courteous 

He was succeeded by his son Henry, who was evidently a person of 
quite different disposition, because Lady Anne says that for twenty 
years before Francis, Earl of Cumberland, died " His son Henry, 
Lord Clifford, did absolutely govern both him and estate," but she 
gleefully repeats the fact that he only lived a little more than two 
years after his father's death. Henry, last Earl of Cumberland, 
married in Kensington House, Lady Frances Cecil, daughter to 
Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England, 
and " the greatest man of power then in the Kingdom." The peace 
which had reigned to a certain extent during the time of his father 
was quickly broken by the son. His marriage, she says, was pur- 
posely made for maintaining his suits of law more powerfully than 
ever, for the fifth Earl was evidently dissatisfied, during the last few 
years of his father's life, with the way in which the lawsuits were 
being managed, and was determined to force the matter to a bitter 
issue, endeavouring to make some arrangement by which he could 
bequeath the estates to his own daughter. His family consisted of 
five, three sons and two daughters, but all died young, except the 
elder daughter, Elizabeth, who was born at Skipton, and who married 
Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork. She was the sole daughter and heir 
to her parents. Of Henry Clifford, Lady Anne sa37s " Hee was 
endowed with a good natural Wit. Hee was also a tall and proper 
Man, a good Courtier, a brave horseman, an excellent Huntsman, 
and well skilled in architecture and mathematics," adding that he 
was much favoured, both by King James and King Charles. He had 
travelled for some years in France, and appears from what Lady Anne 
says, to have been well acquainted with the French language. In 
conjunction with his father, he entertained the King at Brougham in 
1617 in magnificent fashion, when James returned from his last 
journey out of Scotland, and stayed two nights together at Brougham 

* He was Governor of York Castle for Charles I. and built what is still known as Clifford's 
Tower, and put the Castle into a state of defence at the beginning of the Civil wars. Over 
the portal of the Tower can be seen the Clifford Arms. 

The Two Last Earls of Cdmberland. 51 

Castle, sleeping in the room, Lady Anne tells us, where her mother, 
Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, had died the previous May, and 
where the third Earl had been bom. 

Edward Lord Wotton, elder brother of Sir Henry Wotton, was one 
of the executors of the will of George, Earl of Cumberland, and well 
acquainted with all the affairs of the family. He wrote a charming 
letter to Henry the last Earl of Cumberland, condoling with him on 
the death of his infant son, a death which Lord Clifford felt keenly,* 
inasmuch as the continuance of the estates in his line depended upon 
his male issue. The letter was written before he succeeded his father 
in the Earldom and when he was still Lord Clifford. It reads thus — 

Honourable Lord, 

How sorrowful we were for the doleful news your Lordship may truly guess 
by our love to your house. We may not repine at God's doings, who doeth 
everything for the best, though to flesh and blood sometimes, through weakness; 
it may seem otherwise. Be of good comfort, sweet Lord, and let wisdom work 
that effect in you which length of time doth in all, I mean diminution of grief, 
so shall the time of your Lady's greatness be the less irksome to her, and I 
doubt not, will bring comfort to you and your house by bringing you many sons. 
Of this no more. One thing I wish, that my Lord your father would now take 
occasion to lessen his expenses of housekeeping, whereof, as your Lordship 
knoweth, there is some need, and that your Lordship in your sports will draw 
as little company as you may, wherein you shall both keep decorum and ease 
your charges. 

So, wishing to my Lord your father, yourself and your Lady the comfort 
which this world can afford, and I rest your Lordship's to do you service, 

E. Wotton. 

Quite unexpectedly, in 1643, the last Earl of Cumberland died of a 
burning fever in one of the Prebend's houses in York. His body was 
brought to Skipton to be buried, and Lady Anne strives to point out, 
as a sort of moral to the lesson she was never tired of reiterating, 
that this uncle and nephew had no right to the estates ; that, in her 
opinion, there was considerable difficulty in burying the last Earl in 
the vault, and that there was no more room in that vault, but only 

8 The tomb recording the death of Henry Earl of Cumberland's three infant sons bears a 
touching inscription marking the father's deep anguish at the loss of his boys. IMMENSI 


Lady Anne. 

just enough to receive him. In another place in her diary, she says 
that she did not think that he could have been buried in there, because 
there was so little room. It would almost appear that she would 
have been better pleased if she had heard that the body of the usurper 
did not lie with his ancestors. The burial did, however, take place 
in Skipton, and we are inclined to think that Lady Anne exaggerated 
the difficulties, for Dr. Whitaker, who examined the vault some 
years afterwards said that he was quite sure that there had not only 
been plenty of room to bury the last Earl there, but there was still 
space for other burials, if it was ever desirable that they should take 

His wife Frances, Countess of Cumberland, survived him but two 
months and four or five days, and then she died in the same house in 
York as did her husband. Her body was not taken to Skipton, for she 
was buried in York Cathedral. " She was a lady," so says the diarist, 
" of a noble and rich mind, very bountiful to the poor, kind and loving 
to her friends and kindred," but of her husband. Lady Anne cannot 
refrain from saying, " by the death of this Cozen German of myne, 
Henerie Clifford, Earle of Cumberland, without heires male, the Landes 
of m5me Inheritance in Craven and Westmorland, returned unto mee 
without Question or Controversy, after that his father, Francis, Earl of 
Cumberland and this Earle Henerie, his sonne.hadunjusthe detayned 
from mee the auntient Landes in Craven from the Death of my ffather, 
and the Landes in Westmorland from the death of my Mother, tiU 
this time, yet," she adds, " had I little or no profitt from that estate 
for some yeares after, by reason of them, and of the CiviU Wars." 
As a rule. Lady Anne was scrupulously fair in the remarks she made 
concerning the character of her relatives, but in this particular in- 
stance, she does indulge in a httle vindictive feeUng, natural, perhaps, 
when it is remembered how long she waited for the estates, and how 
earnestly she had contested the rights of her uncle and cousin to them. 
In other places she speaks more kindly of this cousin, who undoubtedly 
had complete legal warrant for all that he did. He does not appear 
to have been a man of any marked individuality, but conscientious, 
strict, and most particular concerning all his rights. He was, it is 
clear, much attached to his wife and to his daughters, and if by legal 
method, he could have altered the devolution of the estates, so that 

The Two Last Earls of Cumberland. 53 

he could have bequeathed them to Lady Cork, lie would have done so. 
His suit, that he himself put in hand, during the last few years of his 
father's life, was entirely with that object. He tried to make a claim 
that, as he had succeeded to the estates as Earl of Cumberland, he 
had the right to deal with them as he would, and that the clause in 
his uncle's will, saying that they were to revert to Lady Anne in the 
case of the failure of male heirs, was an unjust one and could not be 
sustained. Fortunately for her, however, the courts dismissed his 
action, and probably the steps the Earl took to turn away part of her 
inheritance from her were the cause of her vindictive remarks. 

The only other fact that we have regarding Henry, last Earl of 
Cumberland, was that after his decease, a small book was published, 
entitled " Poetical Translations of some Psalms and the Song of 
Solomon, by that noble and religious soul, now sainted in Heaven, 
Henry Earl of Cumberland." It is beUeved that the publication of 
his book was due to the affection for his memory sustained by his 
only daughter. 

An interesting document is still in existence relative to his funeral, 
in which are detailed certain of the expenses. York Minster bell 
was rung at the time of his decease, and 28/- was paid to the verger 
for ringing it, while considerable expense was incurred for black 
velvet and black cloth for the servants who took the body from York, 
and for fitting up a kind of mortuary coach in which it was forwarded 
to Skipton, over £100 being charged for these items alone. In addition 
to that, there was a charge of nearly £40 for black velvet to make a 
pall to cover the corpse ; the surgeon had £10 for embalming, and 
the heraldic painter £6 for painting the hatchment. Special expenses 
were incurred in altering the coach in order that it might carry the 
cofi&n, and four stones' weight of tow was bought to put between the 
cof&n and the chariot to keep it from shaking. The physician who 
attended Lord Cumberland was an Italian from Padua, then residing 
in England, and he had £5 for his attendance. About £28 was spent 
in the journey between York and Skipton for the servants' meals, 
for the fodder, for fees given to the soldiers by the way, both foot and 
horse, who guarded the corpse, and for the disbursements, according 
to custom, to the poor of every parish through which it passed, and 
then, on arrival at Skipton, £10 was distributed amongst the soldiers 
and the gunners of the garrison. 


Lady AnnS. 

To this document there is attached another one, regarding certain 
fees that had been paid for Henry, Earl of Cumberland, when he took 
his seat as an Earl in the House of Lords. The Usher of the Black 
Rod had £4 los., the upper clerk the same. The Yeoman Usher 
had 26/-, and his clerk had 20/-. There are also recorded the expenses 
for his journey to the Tower, when he went to take leave of Lord 
Strafford the day before he was executed. He had already been 
present in the House at the time of the sentence, and there are fees 
noted down which he gave to the door keepers on these occasions. 
His cousin, Sir Gervase Qifton, seems to have gone with him to bid 
farewell to Lord Strafford, and the charges are duly recorded, not 
only for the boat hire to and fro, but also for wine for himself and 
Sir Gervase, and beer for the servants. 

Lady Cumberland's journey from Londesborough to London just 
before she died, was recorded as costing £68 i8s. 4d., being for a journey 
of eleven days with thirty-two horses. 

Lord Clarendon declared that this last Earl was a man of great 
honour and integrity, and said that he lived amongst his neighbours 
with very much acceptation and affection. He also mentions that 
he was a particularly firm and resolute man, and hence ensued some 
of the difficulties with regard to the estates. 

The Earl's coffin was examined by Dr. Whitaker when he inspected 
the CUfford vault. He teUs us that it contained the ordinary skeleton 
of a tall man, while near by lay that of his father. Earl Francis, which 
was of unusual length, and who, it was clear, had been a man of 
extraordinarily great stature. 

An interesting book of accounts has been discovered at Skipton, 
which gives information concerning the number of guests who dined 
day by day at my Lord's table during the time that Francis, Earl of 
Cumberland was ruling in Craven, and it also records the prices paid 
for some of the items of the food. On many occasions the party sat 
down to table thirty to thirty-five in number, and the food provided 
was on a very lavish scale. It included sufficient provision for at 
least seventeen servants, a large proportion of whom seem to have 
waited at table. Not very much is said about meat, beef is hardly 
mentioned, and perhaps it was not purchased from anyone in the 
neighbourhood, but came in from the estate, and therefore it was not 

The Two Last Earls of Cumberland. 55 

thought necessary to record it. There are, however, very frequent 
references to wild fowl, widgeon, mallards, and teal. Large quantities 
of ducks, pigeons, partridges, and rabbits appear in the pantry lists, and 
in the way of fish there are references to what is specifically called 
" sea-fish," and there are also frequent allusions to ling, turbot, cod, 
lamprey, as well as to eels. " Calf-meat " is referred to, calves' feet 
and heads, goatflesh and pullets, and at almost every dinner there 
are a number of apple tarts mentioned. In one part of the book there 
are references to the fact that one tenant on the estate held his farm 
by virtue of providing sufficient apples throughout the whole of the 
year for the tarts for my Lord's table, and if the accounts are at all 
accurate, he must have had to provide a large quantity of apples, 
for it was no uncommon thing to read of ten or twelve apple tarts 
being on the table at one time. Not much is said about vegetables, 
cabbages and gherkins being the only ones specifically mentioned. 
Amongst the sweets, are tarts, pastries, custards, puddings, pies, and 
made dishes, and there are many allusions to pasties, both of venison 
and of game. 

Of liquids, we have references to ale and old ale ; and to beer and 
strong beer; tansey, currant wine, and sack posset, and to French 
claret which cost 3/- a barrel. Salt, by the way, Wcis one of the most 
expensive items for the table. 

There are a few references to tobacco, on one occasion it is said 
that it cost IS. 46.. for " a very little." 

The accounts are kept in systematic way, and on some pages are 
averaged against the number of persons present, so as to show what 
proportion of food was consumed by each. If the reckonings were 
anything like correct, the consumption of food at these dinners must 
have been enormous. There are also special references to the food 
consumed at the stables, and for the rougher servants, who appear 
to have been given oaten bread, instead of " good bread," the latter 
being provided for the guests at my Lord's table. A great deal of 
oil appears to have been used, there are constant references to it in 
the accounts, and to hundreds of eggs. Many of the tenants had to 
send in day by day two or three score of eggs to the castle as part of 
their rental. 




FOR the story of Lady Anne, we must rely mainly upon her 
own diary and records, but with regard to her early years, 
these can be supplemented by other documents, mainly from 
a book of accounts to which Whitaker refers, and from a lost diary, 
a copy of which is now in the Library at Knole. A part of it only 
has been quoted, more or less incorrectly, by Seward.^ Lady Anne 
herself, with a frankness characteristic of the period in which she 
lived, starts her own diary a Uttle before her birth, giving us special 
information that she can only have derived from her mother, and 
then she goes on to tell us that she was born on the 30th of January 
in 1589, " when my blessed mother brought me forth, in one of my 
father's chief houses, called Skipton Castle in Craven." It was at 
the time that Lord Cumberland was absent on one of his voyages, 
" being in great perrill at Sea," she says, and Lady Cumberland, with 
her two little boys, had come down to Skipton. Quaintly Lady Anne 
adds with respect to her father, that " it was tenne thowsand to one 
but hee had bene cast away from the Seas by Tempeste and Contrarie 
wynds. Yet it pleased God to preserve him, soe as hee lived to see 
my Birth, and a good while after, ffor I was fifteen yeares and nyne 
months ould when hee dyed." She was christened at Skipton church, 
on the 22nd day of February, 1590, by the name of Anne, Lady Derby 
and Lady Warwick being her Godmothers, and Lord Wharton, her 
aunt's husband, her godfather. He was present in person, but for 
her godmothers she tells us, the deputies were " Mrs. Mary Percy, 
wife to SHngsby of Scriven, sister to the Earl of Northumberland 
and Mrs. Tempest of Bracewell." 2 By this time her father was in 

1 Seward's Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, 1793, vol. I. 

2 Anne, daughter of Bartholomew Pigott of Asten Rowan, Oxfordshire, wife to Robert 
Tempest (living in 1585 or 1600) of Bracewell and of Boiling and Waddington. 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 57 

England, but not at Skipton. He had landed on the 29th of December ; 
before she was bom, but she says, " by reason of his great Buiseness 
of giveing account to the Queen of his Sea Voyages " he could not 
come down, and was staying at Bedford House in the Strand, where, 
as it happened, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, husband to her mother's 
eldest sister, died the very day before she was christened. Towards 
the end of March, however. Lord Cumberland did go to Skipton, and 
for the first time saw his little girl, then about eight weeks old, and on 
the 2nd of April, carrying with them her brother Robert, and herself, 
they all went away from Skipton up to London. She never came 
into Skipton Castle after that time, she says, until the i8th of July, 
1649, when her second lord was then living, while about six months 
before this second visit had been paid, the castle had been dismantled 
and the principal buildings puUed down by order of the parliament 
in the time of the Civil Wars. She was only ten weeks old when she 
first arrived in London, and, although she did not go again to the 
North till after the death of her father, she visited other parts of 
England, sojourning at different times in Northamptonshire, Kent, 
Berkshire and Surrey. Her httle elder brother had died at Skipton, 
and had been buried in the parish church there, before she and her 
parents and little Lord Robert had left the place. 

When she was about fourteen months old, the second brother 
Robert, then Lord Clifford, died at North HaU in Hertfordshire, and 
" ever after that time," she says, " I continewed to bee the onely 
Childe of my parents, nor had they any other Daughter but myself." 
She was sixty-three years old when she was writing or dictating this 
diary, but thinking back upon her early life, was able to state, " I was 
verie happie in my first Constitution, both in my mynd and Bodye. 
Both for internall and extemall Endowments, ffor never was there 
ChUde more equallie resembleing both Father and Mother than myself. 
The CoUour of mjme eyes was Black lyke my ffather's and the forme 
and aspect of them was quick and Lively, like my Mother's. The 
Haire of myne head," she goes on to state " was Browne and thick, 
and so long as that it reached to the Calfe of my Legges when I stood 
upright, with a peake of Haire on my forehead and a Dimple in my 
Ch5mne lyke my Father, fuU Cheekes and round faced lyke my mother, 
and an exquisite shape of Bodie resembling my Father." Then, 

58 Lady Anne. 

pondering on the way in which all these bodily perfections had passed 
away, she begins to refer to her mental power, where she says, " I had 
a Strong and Copious memorie, a sound Judgement and a discemeing 
spirritt, and so much of a strong imagination in mee as that many 
tymes even my Dreames and apprehensions before hand, proved 
to be true. So as ould Master John Denham, a greate astronomer, 
that sometimes lived in my Father's howse, would often say Thatt 
I had much in mee in nature to shew that the sweete Influences of the 
Pleiades and the Bands of Orion mentioned in the book of Job, were 
powerfull both at my Conception and Nativity." 

Lady Anne tells us that she was brought up exceedingly well by 
her mother, and praises this good mother for almost everything she 
had done for her. She says that in her infancy, youth, and a great 
part of her life she had escaped many dangers both by fire and water, 
by passage in coaches and falls from horses, by burning fevers (she 
had a terrible fever when just at the age at which her brothers died, 
five years and eight months), and excessive extremity of bleedings, 
many times to the great hazard of her life. She then refers to the 
cunning and wicked devices of her enemies which she had also escaped 
and passed through miraculously " even," she says, " the better for 
them," and attributes all her preservation from these troubles to 
the " prayers of my devout Mother, who incessantlie begged of God 
for my safety, and preservation." 

From the little account book, now no longer in existence, but which 
Whitaker was fortunate enough to find at Skipton, and which dealt 
with the expenses of the young girl's education, we are able to form 
some sort of idea of her childhood. The book was prefaced by a 
prayer and some verses which he thought were in the handwriting 
of Samuel Daniel, her tutor, and if that was so, Daniel must have 
commenced his tuition when Lady Anne was barely eleven years old. 
The entire account which is entered up in this book between August, 
1600, and August, 1602, amounted to £28 12s. id., and she had spent 
out of it £35 13s. 3d., a very large proportion of which went in presents 
and gifts. Whoever was responsible for writing it, noted down 
from time to time what the little girl gave away. A " golden picture " 
was lost on one occasion, probably her miniature, and the person 
who found it was rewarded with a gift of two shillings. Soon after 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 59 

that, her looking-glass was lost, and the man who found that had six 
shillings given to him — ^it was evidently a very precious glass. To the 
man who brought her a present of twelve Uttle glasses of a sweetmeat, 
from Lady Audley, two shilUngs were presented, and to a man who 
brought her some Indian clothes, a gift from a Captain Davis,' sixpence 
was given, while almost immediately following that, comes the entry 
of a gift of two shillings to a man who brought a present from Lady 
Derby,* of a pair of writing tables, probably ivory or polished ass's 
skin tablets. Then, amongst the purchases, are the entries of the 
buying of an ivory box to put a picture in, which cost twelvepence, 
a wire frame for a ruff, which cost seven shillings, a pair of Jersey 
stockings, which cost four shillings, two pairs of shoes of Spanish 
leather, and one pair of calf leather, which together cost I4d., while 
for making her heindkerchiefs and her clothes, fine holland was bought 
at a cost of 2s. 8d. per eU, and some " lawne " was purchased at " the 
sign of the Holy Lambin St. Martin's." 

When she went away to stay with her aunt at Chenies, there was 
a gift of three shillings to the woman who attended to her breakfast 
and washed her hnen, and 2s. 6d. to the groom who made the fires 
and attended to the room, while on one occasion, when some musicians 
came to play at her chamber door, they received 2s. 6d. as a gift, but 
when she had a little party of her own, and they were there probably 
the whole evening, they were paid los. od. Someone at LiUford, 
probably her great-aunt Mrs. Elmes, sent her a brace of pheasants, 
and the carriers who brought them were presented with a gratuity of 
elevenpence. Her dancing master was a man named Stephens, and 
he had 20s. od. per month for his fee, while the artist who drew her 
portrait received 3s. od., but his name unluckily is not given in the 
book of accounts. Some bunches of feathers for her hair cost sixpence, 
some green worsted stockings 4s. 3d., a headdress 5s. od., a ring and 
jewel 9s. 3d., whUe some glass flowers, and some pendants of gold 
and pearls, which were probably adornments, cost 7s. od. in the one 
case, and 12s. od. in the other. She herself bought an hour-glass, 

* Probably John Davys, the navigator, as his name is often spelled Davis. He sailed with 
Cavendish, but was in England just at this time. He died in 1605. He was the inventor of 
the double quadrant, and one of his instruments, recovered from the Royal George (1782), is 
in the Naval Museum at Greenwich. 

* The wife of William, 6th Earl and daughter of the 17th Earl of Oxford, 

6o Lady Anne. 

which cost fourpence, and also a mask, perhaps to use at her own 
party, which cost two shilUngs, and for two paper books, one in which 
these accounts were kept, and the other in which she could write out 
her Catechism, a shilling was paid. 

Perhaps the most interesting of aU the extracts, and the one that 
most reveals her as a child, is the 5s. od. paid for " Utel silkworms," 
and the next entry to it is the largest in the book of accounts, 33s. od. 
for slea (or unravelled) silk, perhaps to use in embroidery. It is curious 
to remember that Bishop Rainbow, in her funeral sermon, speaking 
of Lady Anne's wisdom, said that she could discourse well " on all 
subjects from predestination to slea silk." It would therefore appear 
to be Ukely, that, as she began as a child to interest herself with silk 
and silkworms, so she continued to take pleasure in the use of silk, 
and in her Great Picture she has by her side her embroidery and many 
skeins of richly coloured silk. From other entries in the book we hear 
that she was taught French and music in addition to dancing, that 
she used to go and see her various aunts in their coaches, and that 
she made a present to the groom who looked after her at each of the 
houses, that she often had presents from relatives of gold, of trinkets, 
venison (once a whole stag at a time, a curious gift for a girl of eleven), 
fish and fruit, and of little barrels (or boxes) of groats or fourpences, 
while invariably, to the person who brought her a gift, she made a 
suitable gratuity. 

All this deals with the lighter and more frivolous side of the young 
girl's life, but we must now consider its more solid aspect. She teUs 
us on the Great Picture, that she was " blessed by the education and 
tender care of a most affectionate dear and excellent mother, who 
brought her up in as much goodness and knowledge as her secrets 
and years were capable of." The education must certainly have been 
of a serious character and Lady Anne a precocious emd highly-developed 
scholar in her early years, if she w£is able to use the books which 
surroimd her in the representation in the left wing of the Great Picture. 
They are more particularly described in our chapter on the Picture, 
but as they include Epictetus and Boethius, the writings of St. Augus- 
tine, the History of the Church by Eusebius the Works of Ovid, and 
Cornelius Agrippa on the Vanity of Science, they cannot be said to 
err on the lighter side. The only book in the whole twenty-five that 

The Eakly Days of Lady Anne. 6i 

can in the very least be termed light literature in Don Quixote,^ but 
the list certainly included Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, and the works 
of Spenser and of Chaucer, while of French hterature, we find the 
French Academy in three volumes, and Montaigne's Essays, although 
in all probabihty, as we shall see later on, these were not in the 
original, but in EngUsh translations.^ Amongst the books, moreover, 
are to be found all the works in verse of Samuel Daniel and the 
Chronicle of England in prose, by the same author " tutor to this 
young lady," and it was to Daniel that she owed this more serious 
side of her education. It was between 1595 and 1599 that Daniel 
first became acquainted with Lady Anne's home. The Dictionary of 
National Biography tells us that he had already shown some interest 
in the Chfford family, when he wrote "The Complaynt of Rosamond," 
and he settled himself down with great satisfaction in his new work 
as tutor to Lady Anne, and instilled into her, from tender years, a 
taste for poetry, history and the classics. It was not the first duty of 
that kind undertaken by the poet. He had been tutor to William 
Herbert, and had resided at Wilton, with his pupil's father. Lord Pem- 
broke, receiving considerable encouragement in his literary projects 
from Mary, Countess of Pembroke, Sir Philip Sidney's sister, the 
mother of young Herbert. His first poems had been printed in 15 91, 
and the book dedicated to his patroness. Lady Pembroke. " The 
Complaynt of Rosamond" appeared later, with some new sonnets, 
and at that time, Daniel's verse cam.e under the notice of Edmund 
Spenser, who introduced a reference to him in his " Colin Clout's come 
home againe," and addressing him by name, advised him to attempt 
tragedy. Daniel's next book, however, was a History of the Civil 
Wars, a long historical poem, written in imitation of Lucan's 
Pharsaha, and then we come to the time he accepted this engagement. 
His intercourse with both mother and daughter appears to have 
been congenial, and he addressed them both in his poetic epistles. 
It is hardly necessary to quote these effusions, but in one of his poems 

^ Don Quixote is a rather puzzling entry. The first English translation of it is Skelton's of 
1612 — the first French translation that of 1613, so that if Lady Anne saw the book as a child 
it could only have been in the original Spanish. Perchance her tutor translated some of its 
stories, or she may have possessed a copy with wood block cuts in it and interested herself in 

' Probably Florio's edition, 1603. 

62 Lady Anne. 

addressed to Lady Anne herself, in which he speaks of " That better 
part, the mansion of your mind," he bids her store it with what he 

The richest furniture of worth 

To make ye highly good as highly born, 

And set your virtues equal to your kind. 

Such are your holy bounds, who must convey 

(If God so please) the honourable blood 

Of Clifford and of Russell, led aright 

To many worthy stems, whose offspring may 

Look back with comfort, to have had that good 

To spring from such a branch that grew s'upright : 

Since nothing cheers the heart of greatness more 

Than the ancestor's fair glory gone before. 

It is clear, however, from a letter which Daniel wrote to Sir Thomas 
Jordan, in 1601, and which is quoted in the article already referred 
to, that the work of tuition was irksome to him. In it he speaks 
about his misery, that whilst he ought to have been writing about 
" the actions of men," he had been " constrayned to bide with 
children." But for all that, he seems to have exercised a wise in- 
fluence upon his young pupil, and to have been greatly indebted to 
her mother for patronage and assistance, for the poem which he calls 
" A General Defence of Learning " which he brought out in 1599, 
whilst he was in her service, was specially dedicated, by her permission, 
to Lady Cumberland. It has been said that Daniel succeeded Spenser 
as Poet Laureate, but there is no real evidence to support this statement 
although it is clear that he was often at Court, and regarded as a Court 
poet, and a popular and acceptable one. 

He was the owner of a farm at Beckington near Phipps Norton 
in Somersetshire, and either to that or to another farm near by called 
" The Ridge " he retired in his old age, and there died in 1619. 
His tomb was erected by his pupil. Lady Anne, and is curiously 
characteristic of her, because, although it commemorates her old 
tutor, yet by far the greater part of the inscription is taken up with 
reference to herself, and to her own work. It is a plain monument, 
and on the north wall of the church at Beckington. The inscription 
reads as follows : — 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 63 

Here lyes, expectinge the second comming of 
Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, ye Dead Body 
of Samuel Danyell, Esq., that Excellent Poett and 
Historian, who was Tutor to the Lady Anne 
of Clifiord in her youth, she that was sole Daughter 
and Heire to George Clifiord Earl of Cumberland 
Who in Gratitude to him erected this Monument 
in his Memory a long time after when she 
was Countess Dowager of Pembroke, Dorsett 
& Montgomery. He dyed in October 1619. 

She Wcis distinctly attached to her tutor, for she introduced his 
portrait on the left wing of the Great Picture which she had painted, 
describing him in the inscription underneath it as " Tutour to this 
Young Lady, a man of an Upright and excellent Spirit, as appeared 
by his Works." It is, however, permissible to notice that the inscrip- 
tion does not give her own particular opinion of Daniel, nor state 
that, according to her knowledge, he was a man of upright and ex- 
cellent spirit, but refers the reader to his works for the evidence of 
the existence of these special characteristics. The same inscription, 
goes on to refer to his death, and to his burial. 

It was probably during the tuition of Samuel Daniel that Lady 
Anne acquired her interest in the poems of Spenser, and, twenty-one 
years after his death, it was she who was responsible for the erection 
of the first monument to the great poet. From the note-book of 
Nicholas Stone (1586-1647) we take the following extract, " I allso," 
says he, " mad a monement for Mr. Spencer the pouett, and set it 
up at Westmester, for which the contes of Dorsett payed me 
40/."' This was the monument erected in 1620 in the south 
transept, but it is stated that it got into such bad condition that the 
whole thing had to be entirely renovated ; and the tomb was therefore 
repaired and re-erected, April 13th, 1778, by the efforts of WiUiam 
Mason the poet, who raised a subscription for restoring it " in durable 
marble, instead of in mouldering freestone." 

The original inscription upon the tomb referred to the position 
selected for it, and read as foUows : — 

Hie, prope Chaucerum situs est Spenserius, illi 
Proximus ingenio, proximus ut tumulo. 

' See Walpole Society Proceedings, vol. vn., p. 54. 

64 Lady Anne. 

Camden, in his Reges Reginae, 1600, ^ gives two other Latin inscriptions 
which he declares were upon the tomb, but there is no other con- 
temporary evidence supporting Camden's statement, and it has been 
questioned by some authorities whether the two epitaphs quoted by 
Camden were actually ever engraved upon the tomb erected by 
Lady Anne, or whether they were simply intended to be so engraved. 
Camden, however, appears to be quite definite that they were on the 
tomb erected by Lady Anne. He gives them as follows : — 

Edmundus Spencer, Londinensis, Anglicornm Poetarum nostri seculi facile 
princeps, quod eius poemata faventibus Musis et victuro genio conscripta 

Obiit imraatura morte anno salutis 1598 et prope Galfredum Chaucerum 
conditur qui fcelicissime poesis Anglicis Uteris primus illustravit. 
In quern haec scripta sunt Epitaphia. 

Hie prope Chaucerum Spensere Poeta poetam 
Conderis, et versu, qu^m tumulo proprior. . . . 
Anglica te vivo vixit, plausitque Poesis . . . ; 
Nunc moritura timet, te moriente, mori. 

The English inscription, which was put upon the tomb erected by 
Lady Anne was as follows : — 

Heare lyes 

(expecting the Second comminge of ovr Saviovr Iesus Christ) 

the body of 

Edmond Spencer 

THE Prince of Poets in his tyme 

WHOSE Divine Spirrit 

needs noe othir witnesse 

then the Works which he left behinde him 

He was borne in London 

in the yeare 1510 

and dyed in the yeare 1596 

When the tomb was restored, the English inscription was set out 
in a somewhat different fashion, but the sentences remained the same. 
As a matter of fact, the dates are both of them wrong, the birth should 
be, so far as the most recent investigation proves, 1552, and the 
death 1599. 

' B.M. C. 32 e. 4. illuminated copy, which in line 5, by a printer's error, reads "poesin" 
instead of "poesis." 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 65 

Lady Anne was not, however, educated by Samuel Daniel alone, 
but he was assisted by a governess, a certain Mrs. Anne Taylour, 
whose portrait hangs side by side with that of Daniel in the Great 
Picture, and who is described in the inscription beneath as " Govemesse 
to this Young Lady, a Religious and good Woman." It goes on to 
tell us that Mrs. Taylour was the daughter of a Mr. Cholmley, and 
was bom at his house in the Old Bailey in London, although the year 
of the good lady's birth is not filled in, and that she had many children 
by her husband, Mr. WiUiam Taylour, though they all died before 
her, and that she therefore died without issue. Beyond these state- 
ments, we know nothing of Mrs. Taylour, but from the two. Lady 
Anne derived a considerable amount of interest in books, and one of 
her documents tells us that in later years she employed a reader to 
read aloud to her, who used to mark on each volume or pamphlet the 
day when he began and ended his task.® The books that were her 
favourites may be seen grouped around her in the other wing of the 
picture, but she was specially attached to the Bible, and constantly 
quotes Holy Scripture in her diaries. Bishop Rainbow, in the funeral 
sermon v/hich he preached, gives a quaint reference to her love of 
reading. He says that she would frequently, out of " the rich Store- 
house of her Memory," bring " things new and old. Sentences or 
Sayings of remark, which she had read or learned out of Authors," 
and these sentences, he teUs us, she caused her servants and secretaries 
to write upon pieces of paper, and then her maids were ordered to 
pin them up on the walls of her room, on her bed hangings and her 

* While engaged upon this volume, an interesting piece of evidence corroborative of this 
statement has been discovered. In the possession of an old inhabitant of Appleby who has 
recently died, was a copy of the 165 1 edition of Sir Anthony Weldon's book of the Court and 
Character of King James I., and at the beginning in this volume is an inscription in Lady Anne's 
handwriting to the following effect, " I began to read this book myself about ye beginninge of 
June in 1669 myselfe, in Appleby Castle, and by divers of my women for me, made an end of 
readinge of it the 21st of the same in 1669." 

This particular volimie, with this interesting inscription, has also certain annotations. Four 
of them are certainly in Lady Anne's handwriting, others in that of her secretary Sedgwick, 
and yet others in another handwriting. On page i8r, Lady Anne has written a note stating 
that the reference is to the king. On page 171, she has put the word " True " by the side of 
a story, and against 142 she has written " Tliis have I herd," and another page, against another 
story, she has written the word " notte." There is also the name of one of her servants, 
Mrs. Aime Turner, written on one page, perhaps to imply that Mrs. Turner was reading at 
that particular place, and the whole book is underscored in many directions, and has been read, 
it is quite evident, with considerable cajre. The booU is now preserved in Appleby Castle. 


66 Lady Anne. 

furniture, so that she might see her favourite quotations while she 
was dressing, and as occasion served, might remember and refer to 
them in conversation, " so that," says the old bishop, " though she 
had not many Books in her Chamber, yet it was dressed up with the 
flowers of a Library." 

Her father had given instructions, however, that his daughter was 
only to be trained in English, he apparently having no intention that 
she should learn either Latin of Greek, and Lady Anne herself implies, 
although she does not actually state it as a fact ; that she did not read 
French. It is clear from her books of accounts that she was in early 
days taught French, but that may have been before Daniel arrived 
on the scene, and her father's instructions may have followed upon 
his coming as her tutor. If that is the case, the various classical and 
French works which appear in the picture must all have been read 
by her in translations. Still it would have been an unusual thing for 
a girl of her position in life to have had no knowledge of French, emd 
we are inclined to think that the statement respecting her knowledge 
of languages was only intended to apply to Latin and Greek, and 
she must surely have spoken and read the French tongue. 

She herself, however, says, " The said young lady was not admitted 
to learn any language, because her father would not permit it, but 
for all other knowledge fit for her sex, none was bred up to greater 
perfection than herself." 

Whether due to the severity of her early education, or to her naturally 
weakly health, she seems to have suffered much from illness during 
childhood, and was frequently sent away from home " with old 
Mr. Elmes^" and his wife Alice, who was aunt to her mother " by 
blood of the St. Johns, "where," she says, "she was seasoned with the^ 
grounds of goodness and the love of a private country life." It was 
with these same old people that her mother as a child had often 
stayed. When, however. Lady Anne grew sturdier, her mother brought 
her up to London, staying at first at the house on Clerkenwell Green 
which had been bequeathed to Lady Cumberland in 1596 by the 
Dowager Countess of Derby, and which, as a country house in the 

•" She possessed an interesting Pedigree of the St. Johns of Bletso drawn up in black and 
colour and given her by her cousin Lady Barrington in 1629. This we discovered quite re- 
cently at Skipton and it has special references to Mr. and Mrs. glmes. It is at Appleby Castle. 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 67 

fields near to London, was thought to be a more suitable place of 
residence for the young girl than the mother's own house in Austin 
Friars, in the very heart of the metropohs. 

Then commenced her society Kfe, but for that we must go to a 
diary at Knole, very kindly placed at our disposal by Lord Sackville. 
She had herself told us in her own Great Book that from the age of 
thirteen she had been welcomed at Court, " because," says she, " I was 
much beloved by that Renowned Queene Elizabeth, who dyed when 
I was about thirteen yeares and two monthes ould," but in the diary, 
part of which is inaccurately quoted by Seward and which is mani- 
festly incomplete, but of extreme importance ; she goes into much 
closer reference to her life with her mother and her attendance at 
Court. In it she states that, if Queen Elizabeth had lived, she had 
intended to have preferred her to have been in the privy chamber, 
for at that time there was " as much hope and expectation of me " 
says she, " both for my person and my fortunes, as of any other young 
lady whatsoever." Then the Queen removed to Richmond, where 
she began to grow sickly, and Lady Warwick used often to go to see 
Her Majesty, and carried Lady Anne with her in the coach, when she 
had to wait in the outer chamber, until her aunt was free. About 
the 2ist or 22nd of March, 1603, Lady Warwick sent word to Lady 
Cumberland, who was then living at ClerkenweU, in the house left 
her by the Dowager Countess of Derby ; that she should go to her 
house in London, in Austin Friars, in case that there was any com- 
motion. It was evident that Queen Elizabeth was very ill, and 
rioting was feared in the villages about the Metropolis, and then, 
three da}^ afterwards. Lady Warwick's servant brought them word 
in Austin Friars that the Queen had died that morning, and the 
message was delivered, she tells us, to her mother in the very room 
in which afterwards she was married. King James was proclaimed 
that morning at Cheapside, and Lady Anne went out to see the sight 
and to hear the proclamation, telling us that the peaceful coming in 
of the King had been unexpected by all sorts of people. A few days 
afterwards, she seems to have gone back to ClerkenweU to live, and 
then, she states, that the first time the King sent to the House of 
Lords, he commanded that Lord Cumberland, amongst other persons, 
should be added to his Privy Council. The body of Queen Elizabetji 

68 Lady Anne. 

was brought by barge from Richmond to Whitehall, Lady Anne's 
mother and other ladies of the Court attending it. For a while, it 
was lying in state in the drawing-room and watched all night, and 
Lady Anne's mother took her share in the watch, sitting up with the 
body two or three nights, but, although the girl wanted to be present, 
her father refused to give leave, because he considered her much 
too young. She was constantly at Whitehall in these days, walking 
very much in the garden, and she says that the lords and ladies of 
the time were " all full of several hopes, every man expecting moun- 
tains, and finding molehills, excepting Sir Robert Cecil and the house 
of the Howards, who hated my mother, and did not much love my 
Aunt of Warwick." The Queen's body lay in state for a considerable 
time, and then the funeral took place at Westminster, and here again 
Lady Anne asked to be present, but was not allowed to take part in 
the ceremony, because, she says, she was not tall enough. She was, 
however, successful in getting her own way, as was usually the case, 
for she says " Yet I did stood in the church at Westminster to see 
the solemnity performed." 

Then comes her first visit to see the new King, when her aunt, with 
Lady Newton and her daughter. Lady Finch, and other people, went 
down to Lady Warwick's house, and from thence they all went to 
Theobalds — (" Tibbals," as Lady Anne spells it) to see the King, 
" who used my mother and my aunt very graciously, but we all saw 
a great change between the fashion of the Court as it was now, and 
of it in the Queen's time," One of these changes consisted apparently 
in a want of cleanliness in the rooms " for " she adds, " we were all 
lousy by sitting in Sir Thomas Erskine's chamber." There had pre- 
viously been a stiff dispute between Lord Burleigh and Lord Cum- 
berland as to who should carry the Sword of State before the king, 
when on his journey from Scotland he had rested at York for a while. 
The king had adjudicated in Lord Cumberland's favour " because it 
was his office by inheritance," says Lady Anne, " so it lineally 
descended on me." It is evident that, even at this tender age of 
thirteen, she had a full sense of her own rights and privileges, and 
of the fact that, on her father's decease all the honours and estates 
which he possessed, ought to descend to her. She goes on to describe 
the king's journey to Charterhouse, where he created Lord Thomas 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 69 

Howard, Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Mountjoy, Earl of Devonshire, 
restored Lord Northampton and Lord Essex to the positions they 
had previously held before they were attainted, created many barons, 
amongst whom was her uncle Russell, who became Lord RusseU of 
Thomey, and made " an innumerable number of knights." We learn, 
by a side reference, of the difficulties that had even then commenced 
between Lord Cumberland and his wife, for she says " My father used 
to come sometymes to us at Clerkenwell, but not often, for he had at 
this tyme as it weare whoUie left my mother, yet the house was kept 
still at his charge." Then occurs the first reference to her great friend- 
ship with her cousin. Lady Frances Bourchier, whom she first met at 
Bagshot, and with whom she spent the night, and with her a certain 
Mistress Marye Cary, " which was the first beginning of the greatness 
between us." Further on, she refers to her cousin's special kindness to 
her. She and her mother, with her aunt Lady Bath, and this cousin, 
had been riding to North Hall, and she had gone on a little in front 
of the procession, riding alone with a Mr. Meverell. This had made 
her mother angry, and in her anger she had stated that Lady Anne 
should lie in her room alone, which, says she, " I could not endure, 
but my Cozen Frances got the key of my chamber and lay with me, 
which was the first time I loved hir so verie well." As it happened, 
the very next day this Mr. MevereU fell down suddenly and died. 
It was thought at first that he must have died of the plague, and the 
whole party were in great fear and amazement, because they were on 
their way to Court. Lady Warwick sent them some medicines, which 
they took, and they rested for a while at the house of Sir Moyle Finch, 
but the disease, whatever it was, was evidently not plague, because 
they were all able to go on to Court to the coronation. It was to the 
memory of this cousin, who died in 1612 when only twenty-six years 
old, that Lady Anne erected a tomb at Chenies. It stands in the 
centre of the chapel, and consists of a plain slab of black marble, 
resting upon four Tuscan columns of white marble, which themselves 
stand upon another slab of black. In the middle of the lower slab 
are two armorial shields, each accompanied by an Earl's coronet, 
with a lozenge between them, and an inscription to the effect that 
there was interred the body of the worthy and virtuous maid. Lady 
Frances Bourchier, daughter of Lord Bath, 

jo Lady ANNfe. 


The girl was evidently of warm heart and impetuous spirit, as 
Adeline, Duchess of Bedford said in her book on Chenies Church, and 
when Anne was locked alone into the room, she, by her actioti, restored 
the failing courage of her cousin, and they became warmly attached 
to one another. 

On another occasion, of the same cousin, she says " We were merry 
at North-hall, my cousin Frances Bourcher [sic] and my cousin 
Francis Russell and I were great one with the other." Mistress 
Cary, who had accompanied them, had gained some distinction from 
the fact that the Master of Orkney and Lord TiUebarne (TuUibardine) 
were both of them very much in love with her, and came often to 
see her. 

It was some years after the erection of the tomb to her cousin's 
memory, however, before Lady Anne was able to go and see it. 
She had described her cousin's decease on August 30th, 1612, in these 
words, " My worthy cousin german the Lady Frances Bourcher (sic), 
did die of a burning fever, to my great grief and sorrow, in my mother's 
house called Sutton in Kent, and she was buried at the church at 
Chenies in Buckinghamshire," but it was not until 1616 that Lady 
Anne was able to go to Chenies, for in a letter dated the 20th January 
in that years, written by her to her mother, she says " I was lately at 
Chenies, my Lord of Bedford's house, with my cousin Russell, to see 
the tomb which I had made of my own costes for my dear cousin, 
Frances Bourcher [sic)." One may perhaps imagine that, as the 
two girls were such close friends, and Lady Frances died at Lady 
Anne's mother's house, she determined to take upon herself the 
privilege of erecting the tomb at Chenies to her memory. 

The greater part of this little diary is taken up with records of 
visits to various houses, generally in company with her mother, or 
with her aunt. Lady Warwick, and frequently with a view to meeting 
the King and Queen, wherever they might be. In one place Lady 
Anne speaks about her aunt going to meet the Queen, taking with her 
a certain Mrs. Bridges and her own cousin Anne Vavasour, and says 
that she and her mother ought to have gone on with them, but the 

The £arly Days of Lady Anne. 71 

horses were not ready, and so she went on in the evening and overtook 
her aunt at Lady Blunt's house, Ditten Hanger, and her mother 
followed the next day. Later on, they continued in their journey, 
and she says that they killed three horses that day with the great 
heat, and so came to Lord Kent's ^^ house at Wrest,^^ but there, un- 
fortunately, they found the house closed up, and nobody in it but one 
servant, who had only the key of the hall, so that they had to he in 
the hall nearly all the night, until towards morning, at which time a 
man came and let them into the higher rooms, where they slept for 
three or four hours, and then hurried away very early in the morning 
for Rockingham Castle, where they overtook Lady Warwick and her 
company, and continued a few days with old Sir Edward Watson and 
his lady. Thence they went on to Lady Needham's, emd there, she 
says, came Lady Bedford, " who was then so great a woman with the 
Queene as everybody much respected hir, she havinge attended the 
Queene from out of Scotland." The following day, they came up 
with the Queen's procession, and that was the first time, says Lady 
Anne, that " I ever saw the Queen and Prince Henrie where she 
kissed us aU, and used us kindly," and they went on that night with 
the Queen's train, " there being an infinite company of coaches," and 
they rested at Sir Richard KnightUe's,^* " where my Lady Elizabeth 
KnightUe" made exceedingly much of us." Thence she journeyed 
to Coventry, and went to a gentleman's house where the Lady Elizabeth 
Her Grace ^^ lay, which was the first time I ever saw her. Lady Kildare 
and my Lady Harrington being her governesses," and then they came 
back to Sir Richard Knightlie's. The next day they went on with 
the queen to Althorp, and there for the first time she saw her cousin, 
Henry CUfford, and there was evidently a great company in the house, 
what she calls " an infinite number of lords and ladies," and on the 
Monday, the journey extended to Hatton Fermers, where the King 
met the Queen, and they moved on to Grafton, where the Earl of 
Cumberland entertained them all with speeches and delicate presents, 
at which time, she says, " my Lord and the Alexanders did run a 
course on the field, where he hurt Henry Alexander very dangerously." 

^ Sir Henry Grey, sixth Earl of Kent. " Now tlie property of Lady Lucas, 

^ Fawsley Park, Nortliampton. 

" Daughter of Edward, Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector 

^ Paugbter of James L, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, 

^2 Lady Anne. 

She speaks about the Queen's favour to Lady Hatton/* Lady Cecil, 
and Lady Rich, and remarks on the fact that Queen Anne showed no 
favour to the elder ladies, only to the younger ones, while there is 
a most pathetic remark concerning her mother, to the effect that 
" all this tyme of the King's being at Grafton, my mother was ther, 
but not heald as Mistress of the house, by reason of ye difference 
between my Lord and hir, which was growne to a great height." 
It must indeed have been a strange position for Lady Cumberland, 
the King and Queen entertained by her husband, and she herself not 
on speaking terms with him, but obhged to see someone else — her own 
sister in all probabiHty— regarded as superintending the arrange- 
ments of the house.i' Lady Anne then refers to the continuance of 
the Royal progress, to the house of a certain Dr. Challoner at Amer- 
sham, and, with one more resting-place, on to Windsor, where the 
feast of St. George was solemnised, when a large number of ladies 
were sworn of the Queen's Privy Chamber, so many, in fact that she 
tells us "it made the place of no esteem or credit." It is evident 

1* Alice wife of Sir Christopher (born Fanshawe). 

" This house was usually known as Grafton Regis. It was the place where Henry VIII. 
had his last interview with Cardinal Campeggio before the Cardinal left England, and it is 
described with considerable detail by Cavendish, the faithful biographer of Cardinal Wolsey, 
who accompanied Cardinal Campeggio on that occasion. We also hear of Henry VIII. being 
there in 1531, and receiving in the house the ambassadors from Hungary, and there are several 
references in the State Papers of Henry VIII's time to hunting at Grafton, and to expenses in 
connection therewith. Queen Elizabeth was at Grafton in 1568, and King James stayed there 
twice during the early part of his reign. In the time of Charles, it was occupied by Lord Cum- 
berland, and the house was used as a convenient resting-place on the journeys between London 
and the North. There are some allusions in the Clifford papers to pasties of red deer venison 
being sent to Grafton by express messenger from Skipton, and also to the fact that whole car- 
cases of stags were baked at Skipton and despatched to Grafton to be cut up and used at the 
banquets. The accoimts refer also to charges for currants and lemons supphed from Skipton 
for use at Grafton in the " stag pies," and also to pepper, used for the same purpose, and there 
are allusions to the fact that Lord Cumberland sent presents to various neighbours of special 
deer pasties, which were made for him at Skipton, while on one occasion, six of these pasties 
were sent down to Appleby, that they might be used in the entertainment of the judges. 
Later on, Grafton was mortgaged by Charles I. to Sir Francis Crane. In 1643 it was in the 
occupation of Lady Crane, and was then garrisoned for the king under Sir John Digby, but 
at Christmas it was stormed and captured byrfhe Commonwealth forces, and on Christmas 
Eve was surrendered, and then the house was sacked and set on fire'. One of the State Papers 
at that time refers to it as " the bravest and best seat in the kingdom, a house of great value, 
containing things of great worth and estimation, which the common soldiers divided amongst 
themselves, havin.g gfreat and rich plunder for their pains." The whole place was destroyed 
at that time, and the house which later on occupied the site was a seventeenth century biiilding, 
erected by the first Diike of Grafton, and that was in its turn destroyed, and th^ present msaior 
house is an ordinary building of modecate size. 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. ys 

that she has a desire herself at one time to be in the Queen's Privy 
Chamber, and spoke to Lord Bedford about it, ' but," she adds, 
" I had the good fortune to miss it." On the occasion of the solemn- 
isation of the feast of St. George, she stood in the great haJl, and saw 
the King and all the Knights sitting at dinner, and she saw also the 
reception of the Archduke's ambassador, who was received by the 
King and Queen in the great hail. Then she went on with the Court 
to Hampton Court, and she says " About the round towers were tents, 
where the people were dying two and three a day with plague." 
She became very iU with a fever, and her mother was in grave doubt 
whether it was not the plague, but after two or three days, she got 
better, and then was sent away to stay with some cousins at Norbury, 
and the woman-in- waiting who had usually been with her was put 
away because her husband was iU of the plague, of which he died 
shortly afterwards. 

Another naive remark appears in connection with the residence 
of the Court at Hampton Court. She says " At Hampton Court my 
mother, myself and the other ladies dined in the presence, as they used 
in Queen Elizabeth's time, but that custom lasted not long. About 
this tjnne my Lady of Hertford began to grow great with the Queen, 
and the Queen wore her picture." Then came the coronation on 
July 25th. Her father and mother were both present in their robes, 
and also her aunt. Lady Bath, and her uncle. Lord Warwick, but 
her mother would not let her " go, because the plague was so hott in 
London." Her cousin. Lady Frances Bourchier, she teUs us, did see 
it, but had to stand, because she had " noe robes, and went not amongst 
the company." Lady Anne continued at Norbury, and speaks with 
some satisfaction of the " peare pies and such things " which she had 
there during the time of her iUness. When she was better, her mother 
fetched her home, and they went to a little house near Hampton 
Court, where they lived for about a fortnight, and then Frances and 
she came together again, with their friend Mary Cary, and used to 
walk about the garden of the house when the King and Queen were 
not there. Just at that time she says her cousin Anne Vavasour 
was married to Sir Richard Warburton. 

Later on, the Court seems to have gone to Basingstoke, and Lady 
Cumberland and her daughter and Lady Bath went to reside at 

74 Lady Anne. 

Sir Francis Palme's house, Launce Levell, but they often went to 
Basingstoke to see the Queen and Lady Arabella, who was then with 
her. On one occasion the Queen went from Basingstoke to dine with 
Sir Henry WEillop,^^ where Lady Anne, her mother and her aunt had 
been two or three nights before, and they helped to entertain the 
royal party. As they rode home from Lady Wallop's to Launce 
Levell, quite late in the evening, she records the fact that she saw 
" a strange comet in the night like a cannopie in the aire," and that 
it was observed all over England. At that time Lady Bedford was 
beginning to lose favour with the royal party. " Now was my Lady 
Ritch growen great with the Queene," she says, " in so much as my 
Lady of Bedford was somethinge out with hir, and when she came to 
Hampton Court was entertayned but even indifferentlie and yet 
continued to be of the bedchamber." 

Another house that she went to belonged to Sir Edmund Fetti- 
place,^" and she also stayed at Wantage and at Barton with a Mrs. 
Dormer, from thence making her way to Woodstock, whither the 
Court had moved. While the King was in residence at Woodstock 
some of the trouble concerning her land had commenced, and Lady 
Cumberland was writing letters to the King, and was speaking to the 
Queen through Lady Bedford. " My father," shes ays " at this time 

1* Son of Queen Elizabeth's Treasurer. 

1* This house, no doubt, was Swinbrook Manor, the residence at that time of one of the 
wealthiest of the Oxfordshire Squires. The local rhyme referring to this family thus : — 
" The Traceys and the Laceys and the Fettiplaces 
Own all the manors, the parks and the chases." 
The family died out in the male line in 1743, and the female collateral branch, to whom 
Swinbrook fell, ruined themselves in two generations, and finally pulled down the manor, which 
was an exceedingly grand example of Elizabethan architecture. Not one stone of it remains, 
but its terraces and fish-ponds may still be seen. 

The little church near by contains the remarkable monuments to the Fettiplace family, 
several fine brasses, and one extraordinary tomb, commemorating six members of the family. 
Sir Edmund himself is amongst the six, and he is thus described : — 
" Read and record rare Edmund Fettiplace, 
A knight most worthy of his rank and race, 
Whose prudent manege in two happy reignes, 
Whose publique service and whose private paines. 
Whose Zeal to God, and toward ill Severitie, 
Whose Temperance, whose Justice, whose Sinceritie, 
Whose native mildness to both great and small, 
Whose faith and love to friend, wife, child and all 
In life and death made him beloved and deer 
To God and menn, and ever famous heer," 

The Early Days of Lady Anne. 75 

followed his suit to the Kinge about the border lands, so that some- 
tymes my mother and he did meet by chaunce, wher ther countenances 
did show the dislik they had one of ye other, yet he would speak to 
me in a slight fashion, and give me his blessing." The Court moved 
on to Oxford, and she was there on more than one occasion, and there 
it was that she says she saw " the Spannish Embassador, who was 
then new come to England about the peace," but while near by, she 
indulged herself with eating so much fruit that shortly afterwards 
at Borton, where she used to stay, both she and Mary Gary were ill. 
Lady Bath had been presenting before the King a suit which she 
had for the recovery of certain lands, but at length she had but little 
hope of her ultimate success, and so took her leave of Lady Cumber- 
land and returned into the West Country to her own home. 

Apparently, the income Lord Cumberland was allowing to his 
wife during the time of this disturbance, was very limited in its 
amount, and Lady Bath had been helping her sister in paying her 
household charges. " While they lay at Borton," says Lady Anne, 
" my mother and my aunt paid for the charge of the house equallie." 
Soon after Lady Bath had left for the West, she and her mother took 
a long journey to Greene's Norton, to the house of a cousin, a Mr. 
St. Leger (" SeUenger," as she spells it, adopting the pronunciation 
of that and the present day) and she did not get there till ten o'clock 
at night, when she says " I was so wearie as I could not tell whether 
I should sleepe or eate first." A little later on, we hear of the party 
at North Hall, staying with Lady Warwick, who was ill sind melan- 
choly because of the plague, and it would look as though Lady Cum- 
berland was then receiving some assistance in her expenses from her 
uncle and aunt. Lord and Lady Russell, because she speaks of them 
in conjunction with her mother and herself, giving all the allowance 
to Mr. Chambers, " my aunt's Steward," for keeping up the house 
for them. It was at North HaU that she speaks of her " haire coloured 
velvet gown ' v^hich she says she wore every day, and adds that she 
" learned to singe and play on the bass viol of Jack Jenkins, my 
aunt's boye." She evidently had a happy time at North Hedl, her 
two cousins were there, and they all got on together exceedingly well. 

The final clause in this quaint little memoir refers to some Court 
scandal. She says, " Now there was much talk of a maske which 

76 Lady Anne. 

the Queene had at Winchester, and how all the ladies about the Court 
had gotten such ill names that it was grown a scandalous place, and 
the Queene herself was much fallen from hir former greatness and 
reputation she had in the world." 

The only remaining piece of information that we possess Concerning 
the life of Lady Anne at this early period consists in the solitary letter 
amongst the muniments at Appleby, written by her before her marriage. 
It is an important example of the manner in which a girl of fifteen 
in those days addressed her parents, and although illustrated in our 
pages, it is well to give it in ordinary spelling in this place. It is 
addressed to the " Right Honourable my very good Lady and Mother, 
the Countess of Cumberland," and, according to Lady Anne's en- 
dorsement (very much later in her life) it was written from Grafton 2" 
at the latter end of August, 1605. 


I thought to have gone to Oxford, according to your Ladyship's desire with 
my Lady Arbella, and to have slept in her chamber, which she much desired, 
for I am the more bound to her than can be, but my Lord would not have me 
go with the Court thither, but I shall meet it at Oxford to-morrow, and after 
my being there, I wUl send my footman to your Ladyship, that you may know 
how things go with me, for I have had a great deal of talk with my Lord about 
that matter you know of, for that match, and my Lord hath promised me 
that there shall nothing pass for any match whatsoever, but that your consent 
should be asked as a chief matter. I beseech your Ladyship to pardon my 
boldness in writing to you thus rudely, and to let nobody to know of these 
matters, though they be but trifling. 

I rest, as I am bound by nature, love and duty. 

Your Ladyship's most obedient and dutiful daughter, 

(Signed) Anne Clifford. 

It is probable that this letter refers to certain overtures that were 
already being made for Lady Anne's hand, and "my Lord, ' who 
is mentioned in it, was perhaps her father, but it may have been 
young Lord Buckhurst, who was then beginning to pay attentions 
to her. 

In this connection, it may be of interest to refer to another letter 
amongst the Appleby archives which concerns Lady Arabella Stuart, 
and which gives some fresh details respecting her last hours. She was 

*• See note on page 72 concerning Grafton. 


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The Early Days of Lady Anne. tj 

evidently deeply attached to Lady Anne, and their name occurs 
together on several occasions in these early days, whUe remotely, the 
two young people were connected. She was of course next in the line 
of succession to the English throne after her first cousin James I. 
The letter is from Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, daughter of the 
well-known " Bess of Hardwick " by her second husband Sir WiUiam 
Cavendish, and is dated the 8th of December, 1615, Lady Arabella 
having died on the previous 25th of September. Lady Anne has 
endorsed the letter with the following superscription " Most of it 
.being of the death of her niece, the Lady Arbella, who died in the 
Tower of London about the beginning of October in 1615," the date 
quoted by Lady Anne not being absolutely accurate. Lady Shrews- 
bury, who was sister to Lady Arabella's mother wrote as follows, the 
letter being addressed to Lady Anne's mother, the Countess of Cum- 


I still find the continuance of your noble disposition to your friends, as well 
dead as alive, you commiserating hard fortune in the heavy loss I have of my 
Lady Arbella, whose worth I protest was many degrees more dear to me than 
any greatness could be this use. I make of this loss to esteem no more of the 
world than to lawne to a rotten veil. My comfort is that I hope she died a 
saint. Her weakness was not known to me till she was, in all men's opinions 
that was about her, to have died that night, which was about two days before 
her death, and the next morning, I was made to believe she was much better, 
so I saw her not till her ears, her tongue and eyes were all closed as one dead, 
only for a few hours after my coming she did draw her breath, the apparition 
she' saw, and divers times expressed, was very heavenly. The last words she 
spoke of any worldly thing, was to desire earnestly to see me, the rest, if it 
please God we ever meet, your Ladyship shall know at length, so, being unfit 
to write of any other matter, when my heart is possessed with this, I must for 
this time crave pardon, and beseech the Highest ever to grant your Ladyship 
and yours all true happiness. 

From Broad Street, 

where or in what place soever I am, 

I remain faithfully at your Ladyship's disposition 
8 Dec, 1615. (Signed) M. Shrewsbury. 

It is probable that it was during an interval in her Court life that 
Lady Anne was taken away by her mother to the North for a few 
months, in order that she might see the lands to which she was the 

78 Lady Anne. 

rightful heir. She herself tells us that she and her mother, were, 
"forced for their own good" to go down to Westmorelemd, that 
they came to Appleby Castle on the 22nd of July, 1607, the first time 
she had been into the county and in her father's lands since his death. 
Lady Cvunberland had already determined the course of action that 
she should adopt with regard to the land, and desired to set on foot 
a very careful search amongst all the CMfford papers for any docimient, 
however slight, or of whatever antiquity, that might help to sub- 
stantiate her daughter's claim. It was in that year (1607) that she 
and those about her commenced to collect the enormous mass of family 
papers that are described in the chapter we give on the diary. It is 
such a series of documents as surely, in the words of John Baynes, 
" no other noble family in the world can show." 

The mother and daughter were for some Httle time at Appleby, 
and then went on to Brougham, where they stayed for three or four 
days, and this was the first time that Lady Anne had ever seen the 
castle. Thence they went for three or four nights more to Naworth 
Castle in Cumberland, her first visit to that coimty, and then journeying 
back towards London, they were not able, as they had wished, to 
inspect Skipton Castle, because of contrary orders given by Francis, 
Lord Cumberland, but the young girl was taken to the Beamsley 
Hospital, which her mother was building, and was shown some of the 
important parts of the Craven estate She and her mother stayed with 
Mr. Clapham near to Beamsley, and then came back to London, to 
Lady Cumberland's own house at Austin Friars, for on the i8th April, 
1608, the pleadings were started in the Court of Wards concerning 
all the lands of her inheritance. 




WE have already referred to the death of Lady Anne's father 
and mother, and to the difficulties that occurred with regard 
to her estates ; we have now to revert to the state of affairs 
which ensued when the fourth Earl of Cumberland succeeded to the 
title and, under the unfortunate will of his brother, to the estates also. 
Lady Anne tells us that " presently after the death of my Father, 
I being left his sole Daughter and heire, his widdow my deare mother, 
out of her affectionate care of my good, caused mee to chuse her my 
Guardian, and then in my name, shee began to sue out a Liverie in 
the Court of Wards, for my right to aU my Father's Landes by way 
of prevention to hinder and interrupt the Liverie with my Unckle 

of Cumberland which caused great sutes of Law to arise, 

betweene her and my said Unckle, which in effect continued for one 
Cause or another dureing her life. In which she showed a most 
Brave spirritt, and never yielded to any opposition whatever." 
In these sentences we have plainty set before us the opening of the 
legal controversy which lasted until the death of the last Earl, when 
Lady Anne quietly succeeded to the whole property. 

The question of her marriage, however, was one of equal moment 
to that concerned with her lands. She was a particularly eligible 
bride, good-looking, well-educated, of a good presence, possessed of 
substantial means, and in the reversion to succeed to large estates. 
She had also, on her side, the dignity of family and position, and 
many important relatives who were likely to help her. There seems 
to have been an idea, at one time, that she should marry Sir Robert 
Carr who afterwards became Earl of Somerset, and there is a letter 
in existence written to Sir Dudley Carleton, in which the writer refers 

8o Lady Anne. 

to the fact that Sir Walter Raleigh's estates had come into the hands 
of the King, by reason of a supposed flaw in the conveyance, that he 
had bestowed them upon Sir Robert Carr, and that people said about 
Court, that he was likely to marry Lady Anne CUfford. This marriage, 
fortunately however for Lady Anne, did not come about. 

Lady Anne herself, in her diary, says that in her troubles. Queen 
Anne " was ever inclyneing to our part, and very gratibus and favour- 
able to us, for in my youth I was much in the Courte with her, and in 
Maskes attended her, though I never served her." We have a con- 
temporary reference to two of these masques, which took place in 
1609 and 1610. One was on the 14th of January, being the Sunday 
after Twelfth Night, when Ben Jonson's Masque of Beauty ^ was 
presented m honour of the Queen, who herself took part in it, accom- 
panied by her husband's cousin. Lady Arabella Stuart, and fourteen 
young ladies of the Court, of whom Lady Anne was one. The staging 
of these masques was often magnificent, and the costumes very 
beautiful. On this occasion, we are told that the scene represented 
an island, floating on cahn water at night, and in the centre stood 
the Throne of Beauty, surrounded with piUars, hghts, garlands and 
Cupids. To this arrived The Moon, in a silver chariot drawn by 
virgins, and there were many dances, songs and speeches from Father 
Thames and from the Winds, the whole concluding with a compli- 
mentary chorus. The masquers, one half of them were attired " in 
orange-tawny and silver, and the other half in sea-green and silver, 
with bodies and slcirts of white and gold to both." In the following 
year, on the second of February, another masque took place, called 
the Masque of Queens,^ and the principal character, the Queen of the 
Ocean, was taken by Queen Anne, while the parts of eleven other 
Royal ladies were apportioned to the ladies of the Court, their respective 
positions being selected by lot. Amongst the Queens who were 
represented were those of the Amazons, of the Scythians, and of the 
Volscians, with Queen Berenice of Egypt, Queen Candace of Etliiopia, 
QXieen Boadicea of the Britons, Queen Zenobia of Palmjaa and others. 

1 Printed in 4to in ifiog. 

2 Printed in 4to 1609 ; folio 1616. One of Jonson's richest inventions. Tlie copy in the 
British Museum, once the property of David Garrick, was the presentation copy of Ben Jonsou 
to the Queen. 








































































Lady Anne's First Marriage. 8i 

It is stated that amongst the impersonators was La^y Anne Clifford. 
Three weeks after this second performance, Lady Anne was married. 
She gives us the information in simple fashion. " The twentie lift 

day of ffebruary in 1609 I was marryed to my first Lord, 

Richard SackviUe, then but Lord Buckhurst, in my mother's howse, 
and her owne Chamber, in Augustine Fryers in London, which was 
part of a Chappell there formerly (shee being then present at my 
marriage). And within two dales after I was marryed. Dyed my 
sayd Lord's ffather, Robert SackviUe, Earle of Dorsett, in Little 
Dorsett Howse in Salisburie Court at London. By whose death my 
sayd Lord and I then came to be Earle and Countess of Dorsett." 
The young nobleman whom she married was about her own age, 
having been bom on the 28th of March, 1589, he was popular at Court, 
and a handsome, good-looking fellow. He was a great friend of young 
Prince Henry,' and although in many respects neither a good nor a 
considerate husband, yet he seems to have been deeply attached to 
his wife, to have given her, in the ordinary way, proper respect and 
attention, while she herself writes of him generously and sensibly. 

" This first Lord of m57ne," says she, " was born in the 

Charterhouse in London now called Sutton's Hospitall, his mother 
being Lady Margarett Howard, onelie daughter to Thomas Duke of 
Norfolk, who was beheaded " on the 2nd of June, 1572. " He was," 
she continues, " in his owne Nature of a just mynde, of a sweete 
Disposition, and verie valiant in his owne person." It would appear, 
by these two references to his own disposition and his own person, 
that she wishes to imply that for many of his misdeeds his brother, 
Sir Edward SackviUe, and not he, was reaUy responsible, and as we 
shaU see later on, it was this brother whom Lady Anne always regarded 
as her personal enemy, and who seems indeed to have possessed 
considerable influence over her husband. She then goes on to say, 
with regard to Lord Dorset's early life, that his grandfather, the first 
Earl of Dorset, Lord High Treasurer of England, was considered one 
of the wisest men of the day, and that, when her husband was at 
Oxford, his grandfather was Chancellor, and gave considerable 

•There is an interesting letter in ejdstence written by Prince Henry in 1608 to the King 
regarding liis friend Lord Dorset and suggesting bis own appointment as Trustee or Guardian 
for him. 

82 Lady Anne. 

attention to the work of the scholars in the university. Lord Dorset 
himself acquired at Oxford a good sense of scholarship, and a con- 
siderable affection for men of learning, so much so, she tells us, that 
so great was he " a Lover of SchoUers and Souldiers as that, with an 
excessive Bountie towards them (or indeede) any of worth that were 
in distress, he did much Diminish his estate." Further on, she 
writes that part of the " diminishing " of the estate was due to his ex- 
cessive prodigality in housekeeping, and to the love that he had for 
taking part in masques and in tilting competitions, especially in 
conjunction with Prince Henry, who also was much addicted to these 
exercises, and was Lord Dorset's favourite competitor. Finally, in this 
particular reference to her husband, she alludes to his having erected 
a hospital or college at East Grinstead in Sussex, when he endowed 
it with lands for its maintenance, according to Ms father's intentions, 
but she adds that he did not live to see any part of this erection 
completed, and we shall see later on in Lady Anne's story, she had 
a good deal of trouble about the endowment which he had planned 
for SackviUe CoUege. 

He came of an important family, for the SackvUles had been persons 
of considerable power, wealth and influence from early days, and 
claimed to be descended from a certain Herbrand de SackviUe, who, 
it is said, was one of the captains in the army of the Conqueror. 
The first SackviUe, however, of any great importance in England 
was the Member of ParUament for Kent and later for Sussex, Sir 
Richard SackviUe, knight, one of the Privy Cotmcil in the reigns of 
Mary, Elizabeth and Edward VI., and Upper Tretisurer of the 
Exchequer. He married the daughter of a wealthy Lord Mayor of 
the City of London, one Sir John Bruges. At his death, she married 
the Marquis of Winchester. They had a son, Thomas, who was 
knighted by Queen EUzabeth, and was created Lord Buckhurst, and 
he was the grandfather to whom we have just alluded, who was cele- 
brated as a Latin and English poet, and a man of high literary 
distinctions. In 1603, he became Earl of Dorset, and died suddenly, 
at the council chamber of James I. under rather strange circumstances. 
He was defending himself, it was said, against base reflections upon 
his policy as Lord High Treasurer, and suddenly sprang from his seat 
tearing certain papers from his pocket, and exclaiming angrily, " I 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 83 

have that here which will strike you dead " but before he could speak 
another word, he himself fell lifeless across the table. This dramatic 
occurrence created a great sensation, and his death was attributed by 
certain people to an act of Providence, but others were careful to 
explain that he had always been subject to some kind of heart trouble, 
and that the cause of death was probably apoplexy, brought to an 
issue by his efforts under violent excitement. His son, who succeeded 
him, enjoyed the family honours but a very few months, and it was 
his elder son with whom we are concerned. This elder son had two 
sisters ; Cicily, who married Sir Henry Compton, the third son of 
Henry, Lord Compton, and Anne, who married first Lord Beauchamp, 
grandson to Edward Earl of Hertford, and afterwards Sir Edward 
Lewis, and one brother, Edward, who eventually succeeded him 
as fourth Earl. He it was, who bitterly opposed his brother's wife, 
throughout the whole of her career. Of him she writes with bitterness 
and resentment. She speaks of his malicious hatred, she refers to 
his vehement action against her, and rejoices when she hears of his 
decease. We are not told what was the cause of the feeling that 
existed between these two persons, but it is quite clear that " by the 
cunningness of his wit " as she says, he was " a great practiser " 
against her, from the time that she married his brother to the very 
moment of his death. On the other hand. Lord Clarendon speaks of 
Sir Edward SackviUe in high praise, tells us that he was an accomplished 
orator, graceful, pleasant, witty, loyal, learned and vigorous. He does, 
however, confess that SackviUe was accustomed to indulge his appetites 
without any restraint, and that he was a riotous man with " jolly " 
habits. Hence, perhaps, arose many of the difficulties. 

The first occasion upon which we hear of Lord and Lady Dorset 
was quite soon after their marriage. There were great festivities at 
Court when Prince Henry was created Prince of Wales, and Samuel 
Daniel the poet, who had been Lady Anne's tutor, presented a masque 
called Tethys' Festival or the Queen's Wake, to be performed on that 
occasion. Queen Anne represented Tethys, Queen of the Ocean, the 
ladies of the Court the River Nymphs of England. In this instance 
it is recorded that Princess Elizabeth represented the Thames, Lady 
Arabella Stuart the Trent, the Countess of Montgomery the Severn, 
and the young Coimtess of Dorset the Aire, a delicate compliment, 

84 Lady Anne. 

says a recent author, " to her birthplace, since the Aire flows by 
Skipton Castle." The Earls of Dorset and of Montgomery also took 
part in the masque, with six other gentlemen at Gjurt, all repre- 
senting Tritons, while in the final peroration, there was a distinct 
reference to Lady Anne, and to her companion Lady Montgomery in 
the words : — 

Then the nymph of Aire 
With modest motion makes her sweet repair. 
The nymph of Severn follows in degree. 
With ample streams of grace. 

It may be gathered from these Hnes that Daniel was convinced 
from past experience that Lady Anne was likely to take her part in 
the masque with discretion and charm. It is curious, however, that 
she should have been associated in this play with the young Earl and 
Countess of Montgomery, because many years afterwards she was to 
become Lord Montgo^pery's second wife. 

With regard to the estates. Lord Dorset showed himself from the 
very first, imwiUing to assist her in her contest with her uncle, and m 
all these courses, he was supported by his sovereign, " in which 
Business " says she, " King James began to show himselfe extremely 

against my Mother and me to show how much hee was bent 

against my Blessed Mother and myseUe in my Unckle's Behalfe he 
gave the Revertion of all these Landes in Westmoreland and Craven 
out of the Crowne by pattent to my Unckle Francis Earle of Cumber- 
land the grant of which Landes out of the Crowne to my 

sayd Unckle and his heires was done mearlie to defeat me, as hoping 
to gett my Hands to releas it to the Heirs male, but after by the 
Providence of God, it turned to the best for me, for if this pattent had 
not been granted out of the Crowne I should not have had that power 
(which now I have) to dispose of my lands to whomsoever I please." 
Lord Dorset was quite ready to compromise the whole matter. He 
could see that if he could only make terms with Lord Cumberland, 
through the Crown, he might be able to receive a considerable sum of 
money, and he exerted himself in various directions in order to try 
to persuade his wife to agree to the arrangements which the king and 
Lord Cumberland were proposing, but aU was without avail. Margaret, 
Lady Cumberland had gone to the North, to make her home in 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 85 

Brougham Castle, on the lands of her jointure, and Lady Dorset felt 
very lonesome without her mother. Her husband decided that he 
must travel, having already made a promise to his grandmother 
before his marriage that he would see foreign parts. He therefore 
went away for about a year, and his wife retired to Knole, where 
she says he came to see her on his return in April, 1612. A little 
while alter that, Lady Anne lost her favourite cousin, Lady Frances 
Bourchier, her girlhood's friend, and this seems to have affected her 
very deeply. She and her husband then came up to London on his 
return from the Continent, and went to hve at Little Dorset House 
in the Strand, but in November, 1612, the whole Court was thrown 
into deep mourning by the sudden death of the Prince of Wales, and 
in a letter conve3dng the information. Lord Dorset wrote to Sir 
Thomas Edmonds, saying, " Our rising sun is set, 'ere scarcely he had 
shone, and with him aU our glory lies buried." At about the same 
time, Lady Bedford died, and in the same letter Lord Dorset says, 
" My Lady Bedford last night, about one of the clock, was suddenly, i 
and hath continued ever since, speechless, and is past all hope, though 
yet alive, and even now my wife is gone to see her, who desired to be 
remembered in all love to your lady, and excused for this time, be- 
cause she writes not to her, she is so full of sorrow and so unfit." 
Lord Dorset, as one of Prince Henry's personeil friends, was one of 
the mourners at his funeral, but the Court mourning was not permitted 
to last for long, for the king's only daughter, Elizabeth, was to be 
married to Prince Frederick, Elector Palatine, and the wedding took 
place in the succeeding February, a gorgeous and magnificent ceremony. 
Contemporary references to that wedding allude in more than one 
place to Lord Dorset, and NichoUs quotes letters written by Chamber- 
lain * to Dudley Carleton ^ in which he says, with reference to his 
exceeding rich and costly apparel, " All speak of the Earl of Dorset," 
but he adds, " this extreme cost and riches makes us all poor." 
In another letter there is an allusion to Lord Dorset's games of skill 
in the open air on the occasion of the merriment after the wedding, 
and the writer says that he " performed many worthy races, " and many 

• John Chamberlain (1553-1627), admirable letter-writer and accomplished scholar, intimate 
with some of the most eminent men in England. 
^ Sir Dudley Carleton, Viscount Dorchester, (1S73-1632) diplomatist. 

86 Lady Anne. 

times " took the ring with much strangeness, a pleasure so princely 
that the beholders' hearts leapt with joy." A little while after that, 
some interesting news was sent to Lady Cumberland at Brougham, 
and she came hurriedly south to be near her daughter, who was then 
living at Dorset House. On the 2nd of July, 1614, Lady Anne's first 
baby arrived, christened Margaret, after her grandmother. Unfor- 
tunately Lady Cimaberland, owing to a curious acddent, was not 
actually present at the birth of the child. She had gone, we are told, 
that afternoon to visit some friends in the Tower of London. An 
urgent message was sent for her to come to Little Dorset House, but 
the Tower gates had been closed earher than usual that day, and 
nobody was permitted to leave the precincts before the next morning. 
When she made her way to Little Dorset House next day, all was over, 
and the mother and child were doing well. Lady Cumberland re- 
mained in London for some few weeks. She was present when the 
child was christened in the Private Chapel at Dorset House, and then 
she bade farewell to her daughter, left London for Brougham, and 
the mother and baby journeyed down to Knole. Of aU the party, her 
own daughter was the only one whom Lady Cumberland ever saw 
again. During all this time, the correspondence which went on 
between Lord Dorset and his wife was couched in terms of the utmost 
affection, and as long as the husband and wife kept off the questions 
relative to Lady Anne's property, there seems to have been warm 
sympathy between them. This is evident in a letter which he wrote 
to her on the 6th of October, 1617, and which commences " Sweet 
heart." Lady Dorset was at that time at Knole, and after messages 
to her and to her baby, the writer goes on to commend his love to his 
wife, saying " whom in all things I love and hold a sober woman, 
your land only excepted, which transports you beyond yourself, and 
makes you devoid of all reason." Here evidently was the difficulty 
between the two people. Dorset could see his way to obtaining a 
large siun of money if the compromise could be carried out and he 
strongly objected to law costs. He had no particular interest in the 
northern csistles, or in the estates which belonged to them. He was 
not interested in the history of the Cliffords, and had no desire to 
involve himself in endless disputes with tenants in Westmoreland and 
Cumberlcmd. He would have given a good deal to have arrived at a 

Lady Anne*s First Marriage. 87 

settlement, and he did his best to bring it about. It would appear 
that at one time he very nearly carried his way. 

We learn the whole story of the controversy between Lord and 
Lady Dorset from the portion of the Day-by-Day Book, which is 
now preserved at Knole. This particular diary has been seen by 
more than one writer in past days, and some brief extracts have been 
made from it, but on the present occasion, Lord Sackville has with 
great consideration placed the document in our hands, and we are 
therefore in a position to give in detail the whole story of the con- 
troversy in Lady Anne's own words. The first action in the trial 
had taken place in the Court of Common Pleas before four judges. 
Lord Cumberland, his son, and her own husband, had all agreed to 
abide by the decision of the Court, but she declined to be a party to 
the suit, to accept the judgment as binding, or to sign the award. 

The diary commences on the ist January, 1616, when she and her 
husband were at Sevenoaks. The Bishop of St. David's * was staying 
with them, and he took the service at Sevenoaks Church on the 21st 
of January, Lord and Lady Dorset being present. " All this time," 
sajre Lady Anne, " I stayed in the country. I was sometimes merry and 
sometimes sad, eis I had news from London." Upon the 8th of February 
she came up to London, the Bishop of St. David's and Mary Neville 
riding with her in the coach. The occasion was in all probability 
that they might be present at the marriage of Lord Roos, the only 
son of Cecil, Earl of Exeter, who " married Mrs. Anne Lake, the 
secretary's daughter." Lord Dorset on that occasion spoke to her 
" about the composition with my uncle of Cumberland." Then, on 
the i6th, she records the fact that Lady Grantham ' and Mrs. Newton 
came to see her, and told her that the very next day the Archbishop 
of Canterbury (George Abbot ^) " would come to me, and she persuaded 
me very earnestly to agree to this business, which I took as a great 
argument of her love. My Cousin Russell came to me the same day 
and chid me, and told me of all my faults and errors in this business. 
He made me weep very bitterly, and then I spoke," says she, " a 
prayer of Owen's, and went to see my Lady Wootten ' at Whitehall, 

* Richard Milbourne, Dean of Rochester, translated to Carlisle. 

' Wife of Sir Thomas Grantham of Lincoln, knighted at Belvoir Castle, April, 1603. 

* He had been domestic chaplain to Lord Dorset's father, and knew all the family well. 
' Wife of Thomas, Second Lord Wotton, Mary daughter of Sir A. Throckmorteu. 

88 Lady AnKe. 

where we walked five or six turns, but spoke nothing of this business, 
though her heart and mine were full of it." Thence, we understand, 
she went to Westminster Abbey, to see the tomb of the Queen of Scots, 
came home by water, and caught a heavy cold. The following day 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord William Howard, Lord Roos, 
her cousin Russell, her brother-in-law Sir Edward Sackville, " and a 
great company of men of quaUty, were aU in the Gallery at Dorset 
House, where the Archbishop took mee aside and talked with me 
privately, one Hour and a half, and persuaded me both by divine 
ifind human means to set my hand to their arguments." Lady Anne, 
however, was determined that she would do nothing whatever without 
the consent of her mother. As a matter of fact, she had no legal 
power, at that time, to consent to the award that had been made by 
the four judges, without the permission of her mother. She then 
goes on to state " Much persuasion was used by him and all the Com- 
pany, sometimes terrifying me, and sometimes flattering me, but at 
length it was concluded that I should have leave to go to my Mother, 
and send an answer by the 22nd of March next, whether I would agree 
to this business or not, and to this prayer my Lord of Canterbury, 
and the rest of the Lords, have set their hands." The day's pro- 
ceedings evidently went through better than she had anticipated, 
because she refers to it as a " marvellous day," and says that her 
friends generally thought she would either have consented to the 
agreement or else that there would have been a dixdsion between her 
and Lord Dorset. It must not be overlooked at this stage of the 
controversy, that the nearest heir to the estates, Henry, Lord Clifford, 
was only a year or two younger than Lady Anne, and that, therefore, 
the probabilities were very strong against her ever succeeding to the 
property, for not only was her uncle living, but his son was quite likely 
to have a family of sons, and if he had heirs male, according to the 
arrangement under her father's will, there was little chance of her 
succession. She was, however, so strongly convinced of the injustice 
of her father's will in forcibly breaking the entail, and so firmly 
supported in this conviction by her mother, that she felt sure 
eventually she would succeed to the property. 

The decision having been arrived at, that she should go down to 
Westmoreland, Lady Anne sent two of her servants, Tobias and 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 89 

Thomas Bedding, round to the various ladies of her acquaintance in 
town, to let them know that she was leaving London for some time 
and journeying to the North. She speaks of the kindness extended 
to her by Lord Russell, and by her cousin George, and then refers 
to a visit paid to her by Lord WiUoughby,^" who breakfasted with 
them. It seems to be likely that one of this peer's daughters who is 
generally referred to as " Willoughby," was at this time one of her 
Gentlewomen, and accompanied her to the North. The husband 
and wife started off, but they went separately, in two coaches, each 
drawn by four horses, and were attended by about thirty men on 
horseback. Lady Anne took with her " Willoughby and Judith," 
Lord Dorset had his Gentleman, Thomas Glenham, accompanying 
him. On the way from Lichfield to Croxall, Lord Dorset, trying in 
vain to persuade his wife to sign the agreement and to give up her 
journey to the North, parted with her in a rage, and returned to 
London, while she went on into Derby with a party of about ten 
persons and thirteen horses. She tells us that she went by the way 
of the " dangerous moors," and that in some places, the roads were 
so bad that the horses had to be taken out of the coach " to be lifted 
down the hills." She also refers to the fact that upon that particular 
day, the horse that was ridden by one of her attendants. Rivers, fell 
from a bridge into the river ; and so she arrived at Brougham, and 
had a long talk with her mother, who would not submit in any way, 
and who refused to accept the award of the four judges. Lord William 
Howard, with his son and another cousin, John Dudley, came to 
Brougham to receive the decision, which was a direct denial to stand 
to the award, and then she tells us, " the same day came Sir Timothy 
Whittington ^^ hither, who did all he could to mitigate the anger 
between Lord William Howard and my mother," and apparently 
was to a certain extent successful, as they parted good friends, and he 
had to convey the information to Lord Dorset, Meantime, Lady Anne 
and her mother remained on the estate, going one day to Whinfell ^^ 
Park to see the woods, and making various visits. She records that 

'"> Probably William, 3rd Lord Willoughby of Parham, whose wife was Lady Frances Manners 
He had two daughters, Frances and Elizabeth. 
'^ Knighted March 14th, 1603. 
13 Originally called Qwynnefel and so pronounced by the residents to the present day. 

go Lady Akne. 

at this time it was, that her cousin Lord William Howard sent her a 
" dapple grey nag " for her own use. She also mentions the fact 
that at this Easter she received Communion with her mother, in the 
chapel at Brougham. 

We learn a little of what was passing in London by a sjde note to 
the diary. It was just about this time that Lady Somerset was sent, 
by water she says, as a prisoner to the Tower. It was also then that 
Sir John Digby ^^ was made Lord Chamberlain, and sworn of the Privy 

On the 1st April came a thunder-clap. Mr. Charles Howard, her 
husband's first cousin, and his friend Mr. John Dudley arrived with 
letters from Lord Dorset to say that the men and horses were all to 
go away, and his wife was to be left alone. Lady Cumberland was 
naturally indignant, and there was much dispute. Eventually a 
paper ^* was drawn up to show that the servants actually went away 
by Lord Dorset's direction, and contrary to Lady Anne's wish, but 
after they had gone, she rather repented having let them go, and 
sent off two messengers to instruct her servants to stop, as she felt 
that perhaps she ought to have gone back with them to her husband. 
They had, however, gone beyond her reach, and so she stayed a little 
longer with her mother, when they occupied the same room and had 
much talk about this tiresome business. Then Lady Cumberland lent 
her a coach, and went part of the way with her, and it would appear 
that this coach had to be sent back again to Brougham, because 
Lady Anne says that on her return journey " most part of the way 
I rid behind Mr. Hodgson." When she reached Tottenham, Lord 

" First Lord Digby 25th November, 1613. 

" This document is till in existence, preserved at Appleby, and evidently was regarded by 
Lady Anne as an important paper, because she had deposited it with various letters from her 
mother, which she kept with religious care. 

It is dated the ist April, 1616, and reads thus " A Memoranda that I, Anne, Countess o{ 
Dorset, sole daughter and heir to George, late Earl of Cumberland, doth take witness of all 
these gentlemen present, that I both desire and offer myself to go up to London with my men 
and horses, but they, having received a contrary commandment from my Lord, my husband, 
will [sicj by no means consent nor permit me to go with them. Now my desire is that all the 
world may know that this stay of mine proceeds only from my husband's command, contrary 
to my consent or agreement, whereof I have gotten these names underwritten to testify the 

The document is signed by many people, the first signature is that of Margaret, Countess 
of Cumberland, then follow those of Christopher and Mary Lowther, Christopher Pykeringe, 
Christopher Crackenthorpe, Robert DoumviUe, James Belassys, and others. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 91 

Dorset's coach with the men and horses was there to meet her, and 
she journeyed to London for the night, and on the following day went 
on down to Knole. She records that there she had a very cool welcome. 
Lord Dorset himself was not at the gate to meet her. Her little girl. 
Lady Margaret, was, however, at the outermost gate, but it was not 
imtil she reached the Drawing-Chamber that she saw her husband, 
and even then, she could not pluck up courage enough to tell him, 
what she did inform him on the following day — that the whole of 
the writings the judges had prepared and which Lord Dorset had 
told her she must sign and seal, she had left behind with her 
mother, who was determined she should not sign them. Lord Dorset 
rather naturally was indignant, and went off at once with his Gentleman, 
Thomas Glenham, to London. A few days later on, he sent down 
the steward of his house to teU her that this was the last time he 
would ask her whether she would set her hand to the judge's award, 
and she replied with alacrity that she could not do it, whatever misery 
it cost her. The Bishop of St. David's came to talk to her, and to 
discuss the question with her later on. On the ist May, another 
servant in high position was sent down to say that if she refused, she 
should neither Uve at Knole or at Bollbroke,^^ and on the 2nd came 
yet another person who told her, and also told the servants, that 
Lord Dorset was coming down to see her once more, and that would 
be the last time they would see him at Knole. StiU further to annoy 
her, her husband decided that Lady Margaret should be taken away 
from her, and Peter Basket, the Gentleman of his Horse, rode down 
from London with a letter to say that the child was to be taken away 
at once to London. She sent for the steward, Legge, talked it over 
with him, wept bitterly over the whole circumstance, and decided 
that to refuse her permission would " make my Lord more angry 
with me, and be worse for the child " and so the following day little 
Lady Margaret went off in the litter to London, with her own attendant, 
Mrs. Bathurst, two maids, the steward of the household and a good 
company of servants, and was taken up to Great Dorset House, because 

^ One of the earliest brick edifices in Sussex. It originally belonged to the Dalingregg family 
and came to the Sackvilles by an heiress. By the marriage of Lady Margaret it passed into 
the Tufton family, but was sold in 1770 to Lord George Sackville, afterwards first Viscount . 
It was at one time a great house, and the tower gateway is still imposing and picturesque. 

The Duke of Dorset re-acquired it in 1790. 

ga Lady Anne. 

by this time Lord Dorset had removed from the house where he was 
first married, and had gone to his larger family residence. A few days 
later, her husband decided that the child was to go to live at West 
Horsley in Surrey, and not to come near her mother at aU, and also 
that she herself should be sent away from Knole, and then, overcome 
with sorrow, quite early in the morning, she wrote " a very earnest 
letter to beseech my Lord that I might not go to the Httle house that 
was appointed for me, but that I might go to Horsley and sojourn 
with my cMld," and by the same messenger sent a similar letter to 
her sister-in-law. Lady Beauchamp, asking for her intervention on 
her behalf. StUl the dispute between husband and wife increased, 
so much so, that on the nth of May, Matthew Caldicott, Lord Dorset's 
favourite attendant, came down with the request that she would send 
back to her husband her wedding ring. In return, he appears to have 
sent her what she calls the wedding ring that " my Lord Treasurer 
and my old Lady " were married with, and there was probably some 
secret significance in the fact that he demanded her ring, and gave her 
this one that she might wear it, but declined to permit her to wear 
the one she had received on her wedding day. Her own particular 
attendant or secretary, Mr. Marsh, who in later da57s was made one 
of the stewards of her Westmoreland estates, also tried to persuade 
her to consent to Lord Dorset's proposals. 

During this time. Lord Dorset was enjoying himself in London, 
having, as she said " an infinite great resort coming to him." He went 
much abroad, she adds, " to Cocking, to BowUng AIle57s, to Plays, 
and to Horse Races, and was commended by all the world." Some- 
times he was very successful. On one occasion, one of his Gentlemen 
Ushers, who is spoken of sometimes as Grosvenor, and sometimes as 
Grosvenor Grey Dick, came down to Knole and told her that Lord 
Dorset had the previous night won ^200 at the cocking match, and 
that Lord Essex and Lord Willoughby, who were on his side had also 
won a great deal, and that after the match was over, there had been 
" some unkind words " passed between Lord Dorset and his companions 
and Sir WUham Herbert," who was his opponent, and his. Not only 
did he carry on this sort of amusement in London, but he was 
frequently to be heard of in Lewes, where there must have been regular 

'^ Afterwards (1629) Lord Fowls of Powis Castle. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 93 

race meetings at that time. During this very month to which we are 
referring Lady Anne speaks of a great meeting at Lewes, when Lord 
Compton, Lord Mordaunt,^' Tom Neville, Lord Herbert, and others, 
whom she terms "all that crew" were with him, together "with 
Walter Raleigh and a multitude of such company." She says that 
on that occasion " bull-baiting, bowling, cards, dice, and suchlike 
sport," entertained the company. It is evident that Lord Dorset 
was devoted to sport, and exceedingly popular amongst his associates, 
always ready to spend money, and to enjoy himself and give them 
pleasure. The King also was partial to cock-fighting, and one of the 
reasons why Lord Dorset was so popular with King James was because 
of this mutual interest, and also because Lord Dorset gave to His 
Majesty many opportunities of winning money from him. " There 
was during this time " says Lady Anne " much Cock Fighting at the 
Court where my Lord's Cocks did fight against the King's, altho' 
tlais business was sonewhat Chargeable [costly] to my Lord, yet it 
brought him into great grace and favour with the King as he useth 
him very kindly and speaketh very often to him than of other man." 
The contrast between the husband and wife was at this time very 
marked. He was amusing himself in London ; she says " I stayed 
in the country, having many times a sorrowful and heavy heart, and 
being condemned by most folk because I would not consent to all 
these agreements, so as I may truly say I am like an owl in the desert." 
Then once more. Lord Dorset tried to exercise his personal influence 
and came down to Knole with her cousin Cecily Neville, but would 
not use his own room that night, but lay in what she calls the " Leslie 
chamber." After supper, they had a long talk, and rather pathetically 
she explains that Matthew Caldecott, her Lord's favourite attendant, 
was present in the room all the time, and took Lord Dorset's part in the 
whole affair. She would not consent, they fell out, and so parted for that 
night. The following day Lord Dorset had another idea, that perhaps a 
compromise could be arranged, by which Lady Cumberland should pass 
over her jointure to him, if he would promise to give her for it every 
year as much as it was worth, and so he would get into his own hands 
some of the lands in Westmoreland. There is some evidence that his 
idea was that when once he got the lands into his possession, he would 

" Fifth Lord and in 1638 Earl of Peterborough, 

94 Lady Anne. 

immediately sell them to Lord Cumberland. Meantime, to increase 
all her difficulties, Lady Anne heard of the serious illness of her mother. 
" Upon the 17th, my mother sickened as she came from Prayers, 
being taken with a cold chUliness in the manner of an ague, which 
afterwards turned to great heat and pains in her side." To this note 
she adds that, after Lady Cumberland's death, the body was opened, 
and " it was plainly seen she had an imposthume.^^ " The letters 
that came from the North told her that her mother was exceedingly 
ill, they thought in some danger of death, and so she sent up a servant 
to London with some letters to be sent to her, and certain " Cordials 
and Conserves." A few days afterwards, Lady Cumberland's own 
footman, Thomas Petty, brought some letters to her from Brougham, 
but not in her mother's own handwriting, " by which," sa}^ she, 
" I perceived how very sick and full of grievious pains my dear Mother 
was, as she was not able herself to write to me, and most of her People 
about her feared she would hardly recover this Sickness. At Night 
I went out and prayed to God, my only Helper, that she might not die 
in this pitiful case." With all her troubles, it is no wonder that she 
tells us, " I used to rise early in the morning, and go to the Standing 
in the garden, and taking my prayer book with me, beseech God to 
be merciful to me in this, and to help me as he always hath done." 
For a while, the news about Lady Ciunberland was a Uttle more 
satisfactory, and there seemed no particular obstacle in the way for 
this fresh proposal with regard to the jointure lands. In consequence 
Marsh was sent up with letters conveying the proposal, and these 
letters Lady Anne tells us were left unsealed, because Marsh was to 
come through London, and show them to Lord Dorset on his way. 
To her great joy, a servant (Davy) brought her news that her mother 
had recovered of the dangerous sickness, but almost following upon 
this piece of information, came the still later news that Lady Cumber- 
land had passed away. " Upon the 24th," says she, " being Friday, 
between the hours of six and nine at night, died my dear Mother at 
Brough£im, in the same chamber where my father was born, I being 
26 years old and five months, and the child two years old, wanting a 
month. ' ' It was the greatest trouble that could possibly have happened 
to her, and it appears to have been accentuated for the first day or two 

M Tumour. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 95 

by the fact that by Lady Cumberland's will, she had appointed that 
her body should be buried in the parish church of Ahiwick, whereas 
Lady Anne had always hoped that it would be buried either at 
Appleby or at Skipton, and she took this as a sign that she was going 
to be dispossessed of the inheritance of her forefathers, and started 
at once to discuss with Sir William Selby ^® the erection of a memorial 
chapel at Alnwick. She sent the will to Lord Dorset, who was then 
at Lewes, and it was probably the very document which now rests 
at Appleby Castle, and in which it is declared that the body was to 
be buried at Alnwick, but which was superseded by a later wiU in which 
Lady Cumberland sedd that she was to be buried wherever her daughter 
desired. She died. Lady Anne says, " Christianly and willingly, 
often repeating a little before her death, that she desired to be dissolved 

and to be in the Heavenly Jerusalem." In another reference 

she says of her mother that she had been compared by a great divine 
to " a Seraphim in her ardent love of God," and that he, who was a 
connection of Lady Cumberland's, " thought it more happiness to be 
descended from so blessed a woman, than to be bom heir to a great 
kingdom." The Bishop of St. David's was her great comforter in 
her sorrow and a constant visitor at Knole. 

Her mother's decease altered evers^thing with regard to her position, 
and the whole question of the land had to be brought up anew. 
It released certain lands which had belonged to Lady Cumberland as 
her jointure, and these would now fall in to her brother-in-law. 
Apparently Lord Dorset came to the conclusion that it was a pity to 
lose the whole of this property, but had an idea that perhaps he might 
arrange for these jointure lands to be resettled upon his wife. He 
therefore left Lewes, where he was entertaining " a merry crowd," 
and hurried off to Knole, and then he and his wife journeyed up to 
London. He decided to send letters in his wife's name demanding 
that the jointure lands should be held for him, as her representative, 
and he brought some pressure to bear upon her, eventually persuading 
her to sign a deed conveying the rights over these jointure lands to 
him, if she should die without heirs of her body, but securing them to 
her daughter, Margaret, after his death. They evidently arrived 
at a compromise with regard to this particular part of the estate, and 

u Knight ol Winlatoa and Wbiteliouse. 

g6 Lady Anne. 

her husband promised to be " kind and good to her." " In the 
afternoon," says she, " I wrought stitch work, and my Lord sat and 
read by me." and then it was that she speaks about her perusal of the 
Faerie Queene.^" and of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, ^^ and of the way 
in which she w£is studying the works of Josephus,^* and reading with 
the clergjmian at Knole the book of the Chronicles of her own family. 
Husband and wife had now made up their quarrel. They attended 
church together at St. Bride's, they went by water to Greenwich to 
see Lady Bedford, and they put in another appearance at Court, 
where the queen, says Lady Anne, " used me exceeding well." Still, 
however. Lord Dorset harped upon the question of giving up all 
claim to the Craven estate, and tried to persuade his wife to consent 
to the King's arbitration, and got so far as to bring her into the royal 
presence, when the matter was discussed, but again she refused to agree, 
and this put her husband, she says, " in a great chaffe." The jointure 
lands, however, reverted in regular fashion to Francis, Earl of Cum- 
berland, but he seems, actuig luider the advice of his son, to have 
shown almost indecent haste in taking possession of them, thus 
frustrating the efforts of Lord Dorset to secure the reversion of these 
estates for his wife. Lady Cumberland had died on the 24th of May. 
She was not buried till the nth of July, but there is in existence an 
important letter from Francis, Earl of Cumberland, dated the 12th of 
June, apologising to the Lords in Council for " his haste " in taking 
" possession of the estates," and from this it is evident that the moment 
Lady Cumberland had died, his agent had taken possession. The 
Earl writes that he had been most careful not to give offence, that he 
had understood that Lord Dorset was going to make a legal compro- 
mise and accept the King's award, and then goes on to say, " Touching 
Brougham, the chief house where she lived and died, in which were 
all the goods she had of any value, I held the deceased corpse in that 
reverence, as I forbid them utterly to meddle with that house, nor 
have they attempted to enter there at all, but for the other, Appleby, 
where neither she nor any other for her, did inhabit for these two years 
last at least, but such as entered after her death without warrant, 

20 Editions in 1590, 1596, 1609 and i6n, the last two in folio. 

^ Perhaps the folio edition of 1599, printed by Walde-graue, or the earlier one§ of 1590 , 
1593 or 1598. 
^ liodge's translation 1602 or 1609. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 97 

my instruction to my people was to enter peaceably and hold it quietly 
for my use, yet I though fit to send my son the better to know the 
truth." Meantime, instructions had been sent down to Westmoreland 
that Lady Cumberland's body was to be " wrapped in lead," till the 
servants had full instructions, and Lord Dorset seems to have 
taken every possible precaution in order to obtain possession 
of the jointure lands, " By the advice of his learned Counsel," says 
Lady Anne, " he had sent a Letter down into Westmoreland to my 
Lady's servants and Tenants to keep possession for him and me, 
which was a thing I Uttle expected, but gave mee much contentment." 
There were certain legal steps that it was necessary for Lady Anne 
to take. At once, however, she objected to signing the papers, 
fearing they would commit her to an unknown position, and there 
was a disturbance between husband and wife in London, ending 
in her being sent down to Knole, as she says " upon half an hour's 
warning," "along with Katherine Burton about eight o'clock at night, 
so that it was twelve before we came to Knole." Then down came 
the Steward, Legge, with further messages, and with him she " had 
much talk at this time, so as I gave him better satisfaction and made 
him conceive a better opinion of me than ever he did," and then, to 
compose her mind, she set to work and " I wrought very hard, and 
made an end of one of my cushions of Irish stitch-work." A couple 
of days after, the Queen's Serjeant, Amherst,^' and another lawyer 
arrived with the conveyance of the jointure lands, but she refused to 
execute them, feehng indignant with her husband for having sent 
her away so suddenly without proper explanation, and so, fsiiling 
their persuasion. Lord Dorset came down himself, and, says she, 
" persuaded me to consent to his Business," and " assured me how 
kind and good a Husband he would be to me." Gaining her consent, 
they all travelled up to London, and upon the 20th she came before 
" Lord Hobart " ^* and signed the deeds passing over the Westmoreland 
inheritance to Lord Dorset, failing any heirs of her own body, when 
he wrote letters to Lord William Howard, which he sent off by 
Mr. Marsh, and assured her that " the possession of Brougham Castle 

^ Bencher of Gray's Inn, grandfather of the first baron. 

^ Almost certainly Sir Henry, ist baronet, at that time a Chief Justice and probably called 
^rd Hobart in common parlance, 


g8 Lady Anne. 

should be most carefully looked to." He went down to Horsley in 
Surrey to see his little girl, and she remained in London. A few days 
later, she succeeded in persuading him to allow her to go to her mother's 
funeral, but before doing so, they went off to Court " upon the 30th 
being Sunday. Presently after Dinner, my Lady Robert Rich, my 
Cousin Cecily Neville and I went down by Barge to Greenwich, where 
in the Gsdlery there passed some unkind words between my Lady 
KnoUes and me. I took my Leave of the Queen and aU my Friends 
here, about this time, it was agreed upon between my Lord and me 
that Mrs. Bathurst should go away from the Child and that WUloughby 
should have the Charge of her, till I should appoint it otherwise, and 
he gave me his faithful promise that he would come after me into 
the north as soon as he could, and that the child should come out of 
Hand, so that my Lord and I were never greater Friends than at this 
time." One more deed had to be signed, transferring again to Lord 
Dorset the " thirds " of his estate to which she was entitled by dower, 
and he undertook in return that next Michaelmas he would make 
her a fuU jointure in proper legal f2ishion. So then she started off. 
Lord Dorset bringing her to the coach, " where we had a loving and 
kind parting." As soon as she arrived at Brougham, another difficulty 
occurred. She had word from the authorities in Appleby to say that, 
owing to the want of certain legal documents, the body could not be 
buried in St. Lawrence's Church. She sent her steward into Appleby 
to try to make the necessary arrangements, and eventually he was 
successful, so that about eight o'clock in the morning "we set forward, 
the Body going in my Lady's own coach, with four Horses, and mjraelf 
following it in my own Coach with two Horses, and most of the men and 
women on Horseback, so that there was about forty in the company, 
and we came to Appleby about half an hour after Eleven, eind about 
twelve the Body was put into the Ground." By three o'clock in the 
afternoon, she was back again at Brougham, and almost at once 
found herself in a very hotbed of disputes. The tenants were 
beginning to carry the hay from the ground in WhinfeU Park and round 
about it, and were evidently prepared to make terms with her, 
thinking, that she would succeed to these jointure lands, but she 
carefully instructed them to keep their money in their own hands, 
mitil it was known who had a right to it. She sent some of her own 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 99 

people, however, to make hay in one particular park, where they 
were at once interrupted by Lord Cumberland's tenantry, and there 
ensued a free fight, two of his people being hurt by one of her tenants, 
and as the injuries occurred, one in the leg and the other in the foot, 
it seems likely that the fight took place with the very implements 
used in the hay-making. The disturbance was of a serious character. 
Complaint was made to the judges, who happened to be in Carlisle, 
and a warrant was issued for bringing her servants, who were bound 
over on surety, to appear at the assizes. The first day of the next 
month, the two judges, Bromley ^^ and Nicholls, came to Brougham 
on their way to Carlisle, and seem in some informal fashion to have 
settled the matter and released her servants from appearing before 
them, so much so, that her cousin John Dudley, a friend of Lord 
William Howard, at supper a couple of nights afterwards, told her 
that she had given " very good satisfaction to the Judges and all the 
Company that was with them." 

The only proprietorial act which she carried out at this time was 
the signing of a warrant " for the killing of a stag on Stainmoor," 
and this she specially records, and notes that it was the first warrant 
of that kind which she had " ever signed." Meantime, Lord Dorset 
was enjoying himself in London, but aU was not going quite as well 
for him as he had wished, for " about this time," says she, " Acton 
Curvett, my Lord's chief footman, lost his race to my Lord of Salisbury, 
and my Lord lost 200 twenty shiUing pieces by betting on his side," 
It was probably a contest between the two noblemen as to whose 
servant was the better runner ^* of the two. 

The King had already interposed with regard to the jointure, but 
upon August II, 1616, Mr. Marsh came down from London, bringing 
a letter signed by King James, to say that for the present. Lady Anne 
was not to be " molested in Brougham Castle," all things were going 
well, and Lord Dorset himself was coming to Westmoreland. 

Accordingly, some ten days afterwards, he arrived, with " a great 
Company of Horses." Lady Anne met him at " Appleby Town's 
End," joined him and Lord William Howard in the coach, and so 
they came on to Brougham. She details the names of several servants 

^ Sir Edward Bromley, Puisne Baron of the Exchequer. 
'• It was in the days, of course, of " running footman," 

100 Lady Anke. 

who accompanied him, his Gentleman, Thomas Glenham, of course 
was there, there was another attendant named Coventry and the one 
who bore the curious name of Grosvenor Grey Dick. Then there 
were three or four maids belonging to the laundry-maid's table, notably 
Prudence Bucher and Bess Dorey, and there was Penelope Tutty, 
who was Lady Margaret's own maid ; but the hangings for the rooms, 
and the accommodation for sleeping, mattresses, etc. did not arrive 
at the same time, and so she says the servants " were fain to lie three 
and four in a bed that night." Next day she had the bed chamber 
arranged where Lady Cumberland had died, and doubtless removed 
all the black hangings which had been put up ia it. In lieu of them 
she put, so she tells us, " the green velvet bed," and there she and 
her husband rested. Thej^ became so friendly that upon Saturday, 
" My Lord," says she, " showed me his wUl, whereby he had given 
all his lands to the child, saving three thousand five hundred a year 
to his brother Sackville, and £1,500 a year, which was appointed for 
payment of his debts," but it entirely exempted from any charges 
her jointure, " which was a matter I little expected." A couple 
of days afterwards Henry, Lord CUfford, arrived at Appleby, but with 
a far less train than Lord Dorset, and then came trouble, for the 
attendants of the two noblemen began to quarrel, and fell to blows, 
and she says that Grosvenor Grey Dick, the Gentleman Usher, Tod, 
and Edwards the Secretary " drawing their swords, made a great 
uproar in the town, and three or four were hurt." One of the 
men went to ring the bell, in order to draw attention to this disturbance, 
and he feU from the ladder " and was sore hurt." 

It was anticipated that difficulties would ensue with regard to 
the property, between the servants of Lord Dorset and those of the 
Earl of Cumberland, and while these pages were passing through the 
press, the discovery has been made at Althorp of an interesting letter 
to Lord Walden, the Deputy Lieutenant to the Justices of the Peace 
in Westmoreland, by the Privy Council, concerning the possibility of 
such difi&culties. The letter, which is quaintly worded, reads thus : — 

A tre to y« lo: Walden" deputie lieuetennte & Justices of the peace in 

*' Theophilus, 2nd Earl of Suffolk and 2nd Baron Howard de Walden (1584-1640), summoned 
to tbe House of I/>rds in bis father's life-time as Lord Howard de Walden, 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. loi 

Whereas informacon was made unto us that some trouble & contention was 
like to arise betweene the servants & officers of our very good lorde the E: of 
Combreland and Dorcett concerning the Castles of Browham & Apleby 
in the Countie of Westrtiland and the possesion thereof upon the death 
of the late Countesse Dowager of Cumbreland where upon wee wrote our 
tres of the 4 of this present requiring yo" to give speciall order for the 

p'venting of violent & unlawful Courses that might be moved by pte 

to the disturbance of his Ma*® peace, And that thinges might remaine & continue 
in quiet & peaceable manner until the right either Concerning possion or any 
other thing in difEerence betweene them should be determyned by due course of 
la we since w""" time wee have bene informed that the servants & people of the 
Erie of Cumbreland have forceibly broken up the dores & windowes of the 
Castle of Apleby where diverse servants & goods of the late Countesse were who 
w"" strong hand have putt all the said Erie of Dorcette Agents w<='' kept posses- 
sion for him out of the possession hereof & detaine the said Castle from the said 
Erie of Dorsett. Forasmuchas it is reasonable & just that the Castles & houses 
where the goods of the late Countesse are or were at her death shold be kept 
from violence These are therefore to pray & require yo» furthw"" upon the receipt 
thereof to give p'sent order that the Castle of Apleby & all things therein may 
be & remayne in the same state as they were the next day after the death of yo 
late Countesse And also that the Castle of Browham do continue & remayne in 
the state as it was at the same time w*''out violence or breach of peace untUl by 
a legall proceeding the right be decyded w'"" is left freely to either ptie & so &c. 
Dated 7 of June 1616. 

Signed by the 

L: Archbushop of Cairterbury. 

L: Treasurer. L: Chamberlaine. 

L: Privie seale. L: Vise: fenton. 

L: Duke of Lenox. Mr. Secretary Winwood. 

Mr. Secretary Lake. 

As regards the Dorsets themselves, things now quieted down. She 
made an end, she says, of " dressing the house," and then " in the 
afternoon, I wrought stitch- work and my Lord sat and read by me." 
Shortly afterwards. Lord Dorset went home again, journeying by way 
of York, where he stayed for four or five nights, because at that time 
Lord Sheffield, afterwards Earl of Mulgrave, and the President of the 
North; was in residence, and Lord Dorset pleaded for the jointure 
lands before the Lord President, but was opposed by Lord Cumberland 
and his son. It does not appear that any immediate decision was 
arrived at, and so Lady Anne stayed for a while at Brougham, but 
apparently not with much pleasure, because, having made friends 

to» Lady Ann£. 

with her husband, she was anxious to be back again near to him| 
and early in September wrote to suggest that she should come to 
London. She tells us that a little later on she started to wear her 
" Black Silk Grogram Gown," and explains what she was doing while 
in Brougham, how she used to ride into Whinfell in the afternoon, 
and give up a great deal of time to working and reading, specially 
making cushions of Irish stitchwork, and that she employed those 
about her to read to her, Mr. Dumbell reading part of the History of 
the Netherlands,^® and Rivers and Marsh reading Montaigne's Essays.^* 
She used to rise very early in the morning, go up to the Tower to say 
her prayers and " see the sun rise," and then spend most of the day 
in the "Drawing Chamber" at her work. Eventually she left 
Brougham in December, going herself to York, and gi\Tng up complete 
possession of Brougham Castle, for the legal decision by that time had 
gone against her, and the property was " wholly deUvered up to my 
uncle of Cumberland and his son from the 29th day of March, 1617, 
and they kept it from me tiU their decease." 

While she was away. Lord Dorset had been getting into fresh trouble. 
There had been a quarrel between him and Lord Clifford, and he 
had challenged Lord Clifford to a duel. The affair had come to the 
ears of the King, and they were both called before the Lords of the 
Council, and then the King " made them friends, giving my Lord 
marvellous good words, and wiUed him to send for me, because he 
meant to make an agreement between us." It is very likely that 
this quarrel had arisen in connection with the festivities which were 
going on at Court at this time. Prince Charles had been created 
Prince of Wales in the great hall at Whitehall, and, says Lady Anne 
" there was banners and nmning at the ring, but it was not half so 
great a pomp as it Wcis at the creation of Prince Henry." Just then, 
she tells us that the Lord Chancellor *" wels made Viscount Brackley, 
Lord Knollys '^ was given a step in the peerage, and created Viscount 
Wallingford, and that Lord Cook,*^ replaced Lord Montague ^^ as Lord 

" By S. Grimestoue, 1608, folio ; printed by Islip & Eld., many portraits. 

** Printed by John Florio, 1603, folio ; witli plate by Martin Droeshout. 

"• Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Ellesmere, whose son became Earl of Bridgwater. 

» William, Lord Knollys of Grey, K.G., afterwards Earl of Banbury. 

^ Sir Edward Coke, 06. 1633. 

>* Sic Heiury created Baron Montague 1620, and Earl of Manchester 1626. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 103 

Chief Justice. She was to return to London in proper state, some of 
the servants, specially a cook, a baker and Tom Fool being sent up to 
London to make preparations, and Basket, one of Lord Dorset's chief 
of&cers, was despatched with the coach and horses to Brougham to 
fetch her to London. The coach itself was not brought all the way 
to Brougham, but was left at Rose Castle, and Lady Anne went on 
horseback " on Rivers' mare " (the horse that fell into the water on 
her journey down) some twenty-seven miles the first day, to Rose 
Castle, and then went on to York, where " three of Lord Sheffield's 
daughters, and Mrs. Matthews, the Bishop's wife," came to see her. 
Just before she left, she had been to see a Mr. Blentro '* at his house in 
Cumberland, and had inspected " the House and Gardens " and 
" stayed an hour or two " and heard some music. While staying at 
Brougham, she tells us that she had spent part of her time playing 
at Tables, that she used to walk on the leads and hear reading, that 
she employed herself by stringing together into a necklace " the pearls 
and diamonds left her by her mother," and during this time she wore 
her " black Taffety dress with the yellow Taffety waistcoat." Before 
she left Westmoreland, she bought a clock, and also a cloak, or as she 
calls it, " a safeguard, of Cloth laced with Black Lace," to keep " me 
warm on my journey." 

Whilst staying at Rose Castle, she lost a diamond ring, and so had 
to send back her overseer, William Punn, to try to find it. He was 
fortunate enough to do so, and overtook her with the welcome in- 
telligence. She also learned at this time that Lord Dorset's Auditor 
and Surveyor had died and left her " a purse of ten angels as a remem- 
brance of his love," and one of Lord Dorset's own men came and told 
her all the details of the quarrels that had ensued between the 
gentlemen " that took my Lord's part, and my cousin Clifford's, 
which," says she, " did much trouble me." On arriving at Islington, 
she was met by her husband " who came," says she, " in my Lady 
Whitby Pole's *® coach, which he had borrowed," and accompanying 

** This must be an error in copying. It is evidently meant for Mr. Blencowe or Blenco, 
afterwards Sir Henry. He married Grace, sister of Sir Richard Sandford of Howgill Castle 
near Blencowe Hall, 5 or 6 miles only from Brougham. 

"5 I cannot identify this lady. She was perhaps connected with Sir Wlllam Pole, the 
antiquary; of the Poles of Wirrall, and the word written " Whitby " (so far as it can be read) 
may be meant for " Wirrall." 

io4 Lady AnnE. 

him were Lady Effingham, Lady Beauchamp, and a great many 
more people, " so that we were in all ten or eleven coaches, and so 
I came to Dorset House, where the child met me in the Gallery." 
Suitable preparations had this time been made for her. " The house 
was well dressed up against I came." She seems to have been partic- 
ularly gratified by the sight of Lady Margaret, and by the fact that 
Lord Dorset had given permission for the child to be brought to her 
in the Gallery. " It was," says she, " the first time I had seen her 
since my mother died." Ever3rthing was now to be happy and 
bright. The King had consented to take the matter in hand, and 
Lord Dorset, little imderstanding the determination of his wife, felt 
sure that, although she had opposed the award of the judges, she 
would surely give in to the King. 

She had a new " wrought taffety gown " which Lady St. John's 
tailor had made for her. She had " Lady Manners " in to dress her 
hair, and possibly this young lady was to become one of her personal 
attendants. Then she went out with her husband and her daughter 
in " the great Coach to Northampton House," to wait upon Lord 
Suffolk, who was the Lord Treasurer, and her Uttle girl was evidently 
highly praised, for " all the company commended her, and she went 
down in my Lady Walden's '* chamber, where my cousin Clifford 
saw her and kissed her, but I stayed with my Lady Suffolk. All this 
time," she adds, " of my being at London, I was much sent to and 
visited by many, it being unexpected that ever matters should have 
gone so well with me and my Lord, everybody persuading me to hear 
and make an end since the King had taken the matter in Hand." 
Various people were preparing a smooth way for her. Lady Cecily 
Compton and Lady Fielding ^' were sent to tell her that she was to 
come shortly before the King. She and her husband went to call 
upon Lady Arundel,'® another important friend at Court, and " saw 
all the Pictures and Statues in the Lower Rooms," and feeling that it 
was desirable that she should take some steps in the right direction, 
she sent T^iomas Woodgate, the Yeoman of the Great Chamber, with 

»• Probably the wife of Sir William, created in 1620 Earl of Denbigh. 

" Probably Elizabeth daughter of George, Earl of Dunbar and wife of Theophilus, who sat 
in the House of Lords as Lord Howard de Walden during the lifetime of his father, the Earl 
of Suffolk. 

''Wife of Thomas Howard, second Earl of Arundel, the great collector. 

Lady Anne's First MARRiAGie. io5 

a " Sweet bagge " to the Queen for a New Year's gift, and also gave 
a " standish to Mrs. Hanns," who was perhaps woman of the Bed- 
chamber, and records the fact that the two gifts cost her about sixteen 
or seventeen pounds. 

Upon New Year's Day, 1617, she went to Court to Somerset House, 
where she met Lady Derby, Lady Bedford,^' and many other people, 
and where Lady Arundel did her best to persuade her " to yield to 
the King in all things." As the King passed through the rooms on his 
way to the Queen's apartments, he " kissed her," and then the Queen 
came out into the Dra^ving Chamber, and, says she, " she kissed me 
and used me very kindly." " This was the first time I ever saw the 
King, Queen, or Prince," she adds, " since they came out of the North." 
She paid a few other calls, tells us that she went to Essex House to 
see Lady Northumberland, to the Tower to visit Lord and Lady 
Somerset *" [she had already been in the Court on their arraignment'], 
and was present when Lord Villiers was created Earl of Buckingham, 
and saw the play of " The Mad Lover " at Whitehall. Finally, on 
Twelfth Day, she went again to Court with Lady Arundel, and with 
her and Lady Pembroke, ate what she calls " a Scrambling Supper " 
at the Duke of Buckingham's rooms, and then went to see the meisque 
with Lady Ruthven, and had to stand by reason of the crowd. The 
King was, after aU, not able to see her for a few days, and so 
she left London for Knole, not quite in the easiest frame of mind, 
because en route she and her husband had another controversy. They 
did not even sit together on arriving at Knole. She had Mr. Sandys' 
book about the Government of the Turks *^ read to her in her room, 
he spent most of the time reading in his own room, and then suddenly 
went up to London, and did not let his wife know that he had left 
" until the afternoon." A week later, she had a letter from him, 
saying that she was to come up to London at once, because the King 
would receive her. 

Then came the first interview with King James. It took place on 
a Saturday. After dinner, she went to the Queen in the Di;awing 

39 Lucy, Coimtess of Bedford in whose praise Donne and Daniell both made verses " of 
elaborate conceit." 
*" Of the " sweet and bewitching countenance." 
" George Sandys' description of his journey to Turkey in 1610, issued in 1615, folio. 

io6 Lady Anne. 

Chamber.'and Lady Derby explained the whole state of affairs to Her 
Majesty, when the Queen promised she would do all the good in it 
that she could, but gave Lady Anne warning not to trust the matter 
absolutely to the King " lest," said she, " he shoidd deceive me.'' 
While in the Queen's apartments, she was sent for, and she and Lord 
Dorset went through the Duke of Buckingham's room, and he brought 
them up to the King, and then everybody else was put out of the room, 
and she and her husband kneeled by the side of the King's chair, 
" and he persuaded us both to Peace and to put the whole matter 
wholly into his Hands, which my Lord consented to, but I beseeched 
His Majesty to pardon me, for that I would never part from West- 
moreland while I Hved, upon any condition whatever. Sometimes," 
she sa)^, " he used fair means and persucisions, and sometimes foul 
means, but I was resolved before so as nothing would move me." 
When they left the King they went again to see the Queen, and then, 
going on to Lady St. John, returned home. Lord Dorset seems to 
have been a little afraid as to what action the King might have taken, 
for his wife writes thus " At this time I was much bound to my Lord, 
for he was kinder to me in all these Businesses than I expected, and 
was very unwilling that the King should do me any public Disgrace." 
Neither the King nor Lord Dorset, however, were satisfied with this 
first interview, and both were determined to make another and a more 
strenuous effort to obtain Lady Anne's consent to the award. People 
about the Court were evidently taking sides in the matter, many of 
them supporting the King and Lord Dorset, and others disposed to 
support Lady Anne, especially when they saw that the Queen was 
continuing to stand her friend, and was advising her not to leave the 
matter entirely in the King's hands. 

A few days after the last interview, she says that " my Lord and I 
went to the Court in the morning, thinking the Queen would have 
gone to the chapel, but she did not, so my Lady Ruthven *^ and many 

*^ It is not easy to determine who is the person referred to as Lady Ruthven. It is almost 
certainly one of three daughters of William, first Earl of Gowrie, sisters to James, the second 
earl, and to John, the third and last earl. There are allusions in the State Papers (Domestic 
Series) to the fact that three of the Ruthvens, Lady Beatrix, Lady lilias, and Lady Barbara, 
were all ladies of the Bedchamber to Queen Anne, but it is not clear whether they occupied 
these positions in succession, or at the same time. It is, however, implied that more than 
one daughter was at one time a Lady-in- Waiting. Furthermore, there is an allusion to the 
fact that Lady Beatrix was a great favourite of Queen Anne, and it is said that she was the 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 1:07 

others stood in the closet to hear the sermon." Then she went to 
dine with Lady Ruthven, and after dinner went up to the Drawing 
Chamber, where Lord Burleigh, the Dowager Lady Dorset, and Lady 
Montgomery, all entered into conversation with her, trying to persuade 
her not only to refer her business to the King, but to accept His 
Majesty's decision. That particular night, the masque, which has al- 
ready been mentioned, was danced at the Court, but she did not stay 
to see it, because she " had seen it already." The following day, there 
was another and even more important audience with the King. 
First of all Lord Dorset went to King James, and presented his view 
of the matter. Meantime, his wife was with Lady Ruthven, and then, 
about eight o'clock in the evening, she was sent for, and was taken 
into the King's Drawing Chamber, where she found a small party 
assembled. Her uncle Cumberland and his son Lord Clifford were 
there. Lord Arundel, who was Lord Dorset's great friend, Lord Pem- 
broke and Lord Montgomery. The Lord Chief Justice and the king's 
solicitor were present on behalf of the king, and the counsel who was 
representing Lord and Lady Dorset, Sir Ranulph Crewe,** was also 

heroine of the story respecting the ribbon which was found round the neck of the Master of 
Ruthven, and that it was Lady Beatrix who removed the ribbon and returned it to the Queen, 
before King James was able to reach his wife's room. On the other hand, there is a tradition 
that the heroine of this story was her sister, Lady Barbara. Lady Lilias died before her father , 
and seems, so far as we can ascertain, to have been a Lady-in- Waiting for a far shorter time 
than either of her sisters. There are several references to Lady Barbara. In 1603, there is 
recorded the fact, in the State Papers, that she received an annuity for her " relief " and 
" transportation in consideration of her distress," the dociuuent goes on to state, " because, 
though her family is hateful, on account of their abominable attack against the King, she has 
shown no malicious designs." Just before that record, there is recorded a warrant for her 
apprehension, dated April 27th. In 1619, there appears a petition from her for the arrears 
of five years of her pension, which she greatly desires " to pay her debts or prefer her in marriage " 
and upon payment of this amount, she said that she would go to Scotland. She, however, died 
in Greenwich, for her death is there recorded on the 29th of December, 1625. The State Papers 
do not show whether the arrears of pension were ever paid. Both Lady Beatrix and Lady 
Barbara appear to have been styled at the time in familiar fashion as " Lady Ruthven." 
Lady Beatrix married as his second wife Sir John Home of Coldenknows, and she died before 
1629, having had as issue, amongst other children, one son, who married the daughter of 
George Home, Earl of Dunbar, and whose son was the third Earl of Home. 

Queen Anne was devoted to the Ruthvens, and there is some reason for believing in the 
story of the day, which has always been part of the traditions of the Ruthven family, that 
Alexander was her lover, and the father of Charles I. King James had very strong cause to 
hate the Ruthvens, because the family had injured him in many ways, and he was besides 
that, heavily in their debt. It is a remarkable coincidence that he had the bodies of the two 
young Ruthvens, Lord Gowrie and the Master, exhumed and exposed at the Cross at Ediaburgh 
on the very day that Charles I. was bom. 
"I Afterwards Chief Justice of the King's Bench. 

io8 Lady Anne. 

there, as well as Sir John Digby. The King formally put the question 
as to whether those present would submit to his judgement. Lord 
Cumberland, Lord Clifford, and Lord Dorset, all answered that they 
would, " but I," says Lady Aime, " said that I would never agree to 
do without Westmoreland," that is to say, that the Westmoreland 
estates were to be hers, whatever happened, " at which," she adds, 
" the King grew in a great chaffe." ** Then Lord Pembroke and the 
King's soUcitor spoke forcibly against the position she had taken up, 
and it was evident to all those who were in the room, that King James 
was getting more and more excited, and greatly resented the fact 
that this determined lady would not accept his decision. Later it 
appears Lady Anne tore up, before the King, a letter that had been 
written her, by his command, requiring her to consent. Immediately 
there was the fear that King James might be led to say or do some- 
thing which would have been unfortimate and so, she writes, " when 
they saw there was no remedy, my Lord, fearing the King would do 
me some pubUc disgrace, desired Sir John Digby would open the 
door," for it had been locked, so that no one else should come in, 
" and he went out with me, and persuaded me much to yield to the 
King." A few minutes later. Lord Hay*^ came, the story was repeated 
and he used his persuasions, and then the door was opened again and 
Lord Dorset came out from the presence, and annoimced that, as his 
wife would not come to any agreement, the King had decided to make 
an agreement without her! His own affection for his wife had, it is 
clear, led him to take a somewhat more favourable view of her 
determination, for, sajre she, in concluding her reference to this day's 
proceedings, " I may say I Wcis led miraculously, by God's Providence, 
and next to that, I trust all my good to the worth and nobleness of 
my Lord's disposition, for neither I, nor anybody else, thought I 
should have passed over this day so well as I have done." Not only 
did she write thus in her diary, but on the very next day, she put the 
matter in writing to her husband. " I wrote a letter," says she, 
" to give him humble Thanks for his Noble Usage towards me in 
Naturally, the controversy was the subject of a great deal of con- 

*• Elstrack's print shows him " puffed out with self-conciousness." 
*^ Afterwards Lord Chancellor. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 109 

versation at Court. Dr. Jeffrey Amherst told her that " now they 
began to think at London that I done well in not referring this matter 
to the King, and that everybody salid that God had a hand in it." 
Another visitor, a Mr. Osberton, told her, on the other hand, that she 
was much condemned in the world, and that most folks had made 
very " strange censures of her courses," while Lord Cumberland and 
his son were so extremely indignant with her for her determination, 
that they put about a statement in London that there were laws in 
England which would entirely upset her contention, and that, as she 
had refused to accept the Bang's ruling, she would now never succeed 
to any of the lands. Lord Cumberland brought some stiff pressure 
to bear upon Lord Dorset, and in the following month Lady Anne 
records the fact that she received a letter from her husband " by 
which I perceived my Lord was clean out with me, and how much 
mine Enemies had wrought against me," while within a day or two 
of the receipt of this letter. Rivers, one of the Gentleman Ushers, 
came down from London to Knole, where at the time she was residing, 
and told her that the judges had been with the King many times 
discussing her business, and that the award would certainly be made, 
that it would be on the lines already settled in the Court of Common 
Pleas, but in all probability more definitely against her than even 
that award had been. Lord William Howard, who has frequently 
been mentioned as supporting Lord Dorset in his contentions, was 
at this time beginning to realise that his cousin had some right on her 
side, and apparently he ventured to speak in her favour, for a quarrel 
ensued between him and Lord Dorset. " My Lord did nothing so 
often come to Lord WiUiam as heretofore," and the friendship between 
them " grew cold, my Lord beginning to harbour some ill opinion of 

The scene changes then for a while from London to Knole, while 
the lawyers and judges were having various consultations with the 
King, and preparing to decide that the young Countess should finally 
be deprived of her land. Meantime, she was down at Knole, and 
her Day-by-Day book contains interesting items of domestic infor- 
mation concerning her own Ufe, and that of the little Lady Margaret. 
The child was not at all strong — she speaks about her having fits of the 
ague several times, on one occasion so severely that " I was fearful 

no Lady Anne. 

of her that I could hardly sleep all night, so I beseeched God Almighty 
to be merciful unto me, and spare her life." It was probably con- 
vulsions rather than ague, and these convulsions were severe, for on 
one occasion, she says, they lasted for six or seven hours. Then she 
tells us about the child's clothes, mentioning the first time that Lady 
Margaret had put on her red baize coat, and on another, speaking of 
the first coat which the child had worn that was decorated with lace, 
and this also appears to have been made of red material. Lady 
Margaret's first velvet coat, one of " Crimson velvet laced with Silver 
Lace " had been given to her, so says her mother — on New Year's 
Day, 1619. She sets down that on the ist May she had cut the 
child's strings off from her coats, and made her " use togs " alone, 
" so that," she adds, " she had two or three falls at first, but was 
not hurt by them," while Margaret's old clothes were given to the 
steward of the house, Mr. Legge, for him to give to his wife, who 
evidently had a little girl of about the same age. She also records 
the fact that a certain Thomas Woodgate came once from London, 
and brought a squirrel for Lady Margaret, and that seems to have 
pleased the child very much, and then she tells us all about the changes 
that were made in the little girl's room, and that now the winter was 
over, the curtain was put up to let in the hght and the air, for the 
room had been close shut up for three weeks or a month before, part 
of the curious old arrangement that, during the winter or when a person 
was iU, it was desirable to keep back as much light and air as possible 
from the bed chamber. Lady Margaret was at this time being taught 
to ride, and a piebald nag had been sent to her out of Westmoreland, 
while Lady Arundel had given her mother a Dapple Grey Mare she 
much desired, so that on several occasions she and her mother were 
able to ride out together. Early in the spring, there is an allusion 
to an entire change of weather. " The child," says she, " had put 
on her white coats, and put off many things from her head, the 
weather growing extreme hot," and just at this time. Lady Margaret 
seems to have moved from her room to her mother's and Lady Anne 
describes with much satisfaction the fact that her little girl was 
sleeping at night in her own bed with her, and that this was the first 
time she had been able to have the pleeisure of the child's company. 
Even such smaU matters a§ those connected with the child's teeth 

Lady Anne's First Marriage, m 

were recorded. " On the nth we perceived that the child had two 
great teeth come," says her mother, " so that in all she had now i8," 
and there is particular reference to the occasions when the Dowager 
Lady Dorset came down to see the child, and incidentally, to see her 
mother, and to putting little Lady Margaret for the first time into 
" a whalebone boddice," while on several occasions there are allusions 
to the fact that Lady Anne had written to her husband, speaking 
about little Lady Margaret, and begging that he would come down 
and see her. 

As regards her own life, she seems, as usual, to have spent a great 
deal of the time either in needlework or in reading, or in having books 
read to her. She says that Rivers was reading Montaigne's Essays " 
to her, and Moll Neville the Faerie Queene.*' She refers to the fact 
that Mr. Rand ** frequently read the Bible to her and that she herself 
was carefully going through the chronicles of the Clifford family, 
which were being written up by Mr. Marsh, and reading them with 
all possible care. There are many allusions to the gossip of the day, 
for information being brought to her from time to time as to what 
was going on in London, she learned that her sister-in-law. Lady Cecily 
Compton, and her husband, had been quarrelling, that they had left 
Horsley and had gone to London, and that they were about to 
separate, when she was to have a hundred a year and the child, and 
he, the remainder of the income. Then she heard of a difficulty that 
had happened with regard to Lord Willoughby's brother, Mr. Bertie,*' 
or, as she spells it " Burtie," who had been travelling in Italy, and 
had got into some difficulty in Ancona, and had been put into prison 
by the Inquisition, and also of a great entertainment given to the 
king by Baron de Joeniers at Salisbury House. She was informed 
that the King had put in an appearance in the Star Chamber, and had 
promulgated certain very definite instructions respecting duels, and 
combats, and that her husband had stood by the side of the king's 
chair, and had talked much with His Majesty, being at that time 
" in extraordinary grace and Favour with the King." She also 

*• Translated by J. Florio 1603, folio; second edit. 1613, folio. 
*' Issued in 1609 by H. L. (Part I., 1590, Part II., 1596), folio. 

** Perhaps Rev. Edward Randes, S.T.B., who in 1622 was rector of Hartfield, a Sackville 
W Probably one of the four sous of Peregrine, Lord Willoughby de Eresby. 

112 Lady Anne. 

refers to the fact that the Lord Chancellor had given up the seals, 
and that a new Chancellor had been appointed, and twice she had 
some specially direct information concerning her husband from the 
fact that the Gentleman of his Horse came down to Knole first to 
fetch his hunters and then for certain other horses, and to tell her 
that Lord Dorset was going off for a long ride with the Prince. This 
servant also conveyed the information to Lady Anne that the King 
was very bitter against her, and took upon himself to advise her to 
consent speedily, as otherwise, said he " it would soon be too late." 

Lady Cecily Compton was at this time in some financial difficulties, 
owing to the disputes with her husband, and on one occasion, she sent 
over to Knole, asking for the loan of some money. It is clear that 
Lady Anne did not have the control of any considerable sums, because 
in response to her sister-in-law's request to borrow ^Tj, she could 
only send her ten 20s. pieces. Lord Dorset had complained on several 
occasions that Lady Anne paid too little attention to her clothes. 
She had been wearing, she tells us, a plain green flannfel gown, made 
by her overseer named WilUam Punn, and with it a yellow tafiety 
waistcoat, but, " because I was found fault with for wearing siich ill 
clothes, this day I put on my Grogram Gown." 

Her own health is occasionally referred to, for example : — she says 
on one occasion she was not very well, and so, " I ate a posset and went 
to bed," and on another, that " I, not being well the time grew so tedious 
that I used to go to bed at eight o'clock, and did he in bed till eight 
the next morning." At length she learned that the decision, whatever 
it was, had been arrived at, and her uncle and cousin had gone to 
Dorset House " where my Lord and they " signed and " sealed the 
writings and made a Final conclusion of my Business, and did what 
they could to cut me off from my Right, but I referred my cause to 
God," and then as the matter was so far settled, Lord Dorset decided 
that he would come down to Knole. His servant preceded him, 
and told her that " my Lord and my uncle were agreed, and the 
writing sealed." By this time the King was leaving London for his 
journey to Scotland, the Queen and Prince going with him as far as 
Theobalds, and Lord Dorset started from town to come down into the 
country. He went first to Buckhurst, but was so ill by the way that 
" Jae wa? fain to aJi^ht once or twice and go into a House." He ha4 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 113 

sent off all his servants, and apparently closed up the London House, 
but when he reached Buckhurst, he sent over to Knole for John the 
cook to come and make broth for him, and for Josiah Cooper, a French- 
man, who was one of the pages, to come straight away to Buckhurst, 
to wait upon him. By this servant, Lady Anne wrote a letter, " to 
entreat him that, if he were not well, I might come down to Buckhurst 
to him." Evidently the news in response was very unsatisfactory, 
because she tells us how restless she was, for she spent the whole 
day in walking in the park, " with Mrs. Judith Simpson of the laimdry 
maids' table, having my Bible with me, thinking on my present 
fortunes and what troubles I have passed through." The evenings 
appear to have been particularly dull just at this time. She had 
nothing to do but to walk about, and to play Glecko with the steward, 
having, she says, such iU-luck at cards, she resolved she would not play 
for two or three months. Then there comes further information 
respecting Lord Dorset's health. " Ned the footman came from 
Buckhurst, and told me that my Lord was reasonably well, and had 
missed his fit, which did much comfort me," and she therefore wrote a 
letter to him, begging that he would come over and see her and Lady 
Margaret, as soon as he could. The next day, however, the steward 
came from Buckhurst, and did not give so favourable an account 
of Lord Dorset, saying that he was not well, and was not returning 
to London at present, for he had lent his house to the Lord Keeper. 
He desired that the cook, named Hortitius, and Dr. Layfield the 
lawyer might be sent to Buckhurst. Meantime, Sir Edward Sackville 
had written to ask for the loan of the horse-litter, in order that Lady 
SackviUe, who was not very well, might be taken up to town, and 
hence the visit of the steward to Knole. Lady Anne tells us that she 
now occupied herself by starting a new Irish stitch cushion, but on 
one occasion, she seems to have spent most of the day in making 
Rosemary cakes. Then, on the 28th of March, Lord Dorset came over 
from Buckhurst with his Gentleman, Thomas Glenham, but he was 
stUl not very well, was troubled with a severe cough, and occupied a 
room far away from her, sleeping in what she calls the Leicester 
Chamber. He was evidently in an irritable state of mind because on 
the following day he found her reading with Mr. Rand the chaplain, 
and told her that the noise hindered him in his study, and that she 


114 Lady Anne. 

was to leave off reading aloud until she could find someone who would 
read with her, and who perhaps had a quieter voice than Mr. Rand. 

He told her that the settlement had not yet been fully arrived at, 
" the matter was not so fuUy finished but that there was a place left 
for me to come in " and in their walks abroad in the park and in the 
garden, he talked a great deal to her about this particular business, 
and even then strove to understand her position, and she says " He 
was nothing so much discontented with this agreement as I thought 
he would have been, and he was more pleased and contented with 
the passages in London than I imagined he would have been " She 
adds " I strove to keep as merry a face in it all as I could." It was 
quite evident to her that Lord Dorset's two personal attendants, 
Matthew and Lindsay, were strongly against her, and were frequently 
saying things to her husband derogatory to her position. They also 
made it quite clear to her that Lord WiUiam Howard and her husband 
had engaged upon a serious quarrel " Lord Wilham was clean out of 
all grace and trust with my Lord, which I hope," says she, " may be 
the better hereafter for me and my child, knowing that God often 
brings things to pass by contrary means." WTien he got better, 
however. Lord Dorset went up to London, and she accompanied him 
to the door of his coach, and after he had left, she found her mind 
more contented " than it was before my Lord came from Buckhurst." 
He did not stay in town very long, but early in the following month 
of April came down again to Knole and told her that the King had 
taken a very small company with him to Scotland, only having one 
Lord-in-Waiting, and that her deeds had not even yet been signed, 
but that the papers were all left with the Lord Keeper and Lord 
Hobart,^" until next term, and then they were to be fuUy concluded. 
" This," says she, " was strange news to me, I thought all matters 
had been finished." 

The question of her own personal money now came into the con- 
troversy, and Lord Dorset told her that she had less, and was likely 
to have less, than he had expected, and seems to have used this as an 
argument that she should consent to giving up the Westmoreland 
lands. " Sometimes I had fair words from him, and sometimes foul, 

" The " upright judge " who sentenced to death " several poor women for bewitching 
Lord Rutland's children." 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. ii5 

but I took all patiently, and did strive to give as much content and 
assurance of my love as I could possibly, yet I told him that I would 
never part with Westmoreland upon any condition whatever," 
adding " my promise was so far passed to my Mother and to all the 
World that I would never do it whatever became of me and mine." 
Her brother-in-law. Sir Edward Sackville, was at that time staying in 
the house, and he had been interfering in some way between Lady 
Exeter and Lord Roos, and starting difficulties that Lady Anne felt 
would be the cause of considerable trouble. It would appear that she 
gave Sir Edward Sackville her opinion and this did not improve his 
feeling towards her. Lord Dorset was sullen and tiresome, and in 
order to brighten him up, she decided that he ought to see his little 
girl, and after supper, " because my Lord was suUen and unwilling 
to come into the nursery, I made Mary bring the child to him into 
my chamber, which was the first time she stirred abroad since she 
was sick." Just at that time. Lord and Lady Dorset appear to have 
been occupying the same room, but he was by no means weU, and 
she occupied a little pallet with a lace cover upon it in the room, so 
as to be ready to attend to him at night. This arrangement was, 
however, not convenient, and a little while afterwards she went into 
a room close by, which had been hitherto occupied by one of her 
Gentlewomen whom she speaks of as Judith, " and there," she says, 
" I intended to continue until my Lord was better," but this arrange- 
ment was not satisfactory either, the room was evidently not com- 
fortable, and was probably very draughty, for a day or two afterwards 
she says " I w£is so sick with lying in Judith's chamber that I had a 
plain fit of a fever, and my face was so swelled." Then she left that 
room and occupied another room, sleeping in a " Green Cloth of Gold 
bed" that she had occupied on a previous occasion, when Lord Dorset 
had been in France. After a while. Lord Dorset got better, and then 
was able to dine in state in the Great Chamber (now called The Cartoon 
Gallery) as had previously been his habit, with all the Gentlemen of 
his establishment, but he used to come and take his supper privately 
with his wife in the Drawing Chamber, and then they had much 
discussion of the manners of the folks at Court. He was coming to 
the conclusion it was no good to try to force his wife to take up a 
position that she had determined she would not adopt, and one morning 

ii6 Lady Anne. 

he told her that " he was resolved never to move any more in this 
business, because he saw how fuUy I was bent." That being so, she 
decided that she would send down letters to the tenants in Westmore- 
land, presumably explaining the whole circumstance, and saying 
that she was accepting for the present the adjudication that had been 
made, and that they must regard Lord Cumberland as their landlord. 
" The 19th I signed 33 letters with my own hand, which I sent down 
to the tenants in Westmoreland, and the same night my Lord and I 
had much talk of, and persuaded me to this business," sa5dng it had 
not passed the Great Seal, but even now she would not consent in its 
entirety to what he wanted, " I told him I would not, and yet I told 
him I was in perfect charity with all the world." Again, she refers 
to Matthew, Lord Dorset's attendant. " I had great falling out 
with my Lord, Matthew continuing to do me all the iU office he could," 
and so the days seem to have gone on. At times ever5^hing was 
favourable, they dined together, they played at Burley Brake upon 
the Bowling Green, they went off in the coach to see Mr. Lewis's house, 
and all the fine flowers that were in the garden, she wore her white 
satin gown and her white waistcoat, he went hunting both " the fox 
and the hare " and came home to her in the evening, and they went 
to church together, and took the Communion together, and she used 
to come sometimes of an evening in his room, and sit and read Chaucer,^^ 
and a Turkish History,^^ while he was at work, and then come frequent 
reference to quarrels, " He and I fell out about matters," " He and I 
had a great falling out," and " I wrote not to my Lord, because he 
wrote not to me since he went away," and so on. 

Lord Dorset decided about this time, to alter the arrangement of 
many of the rooms in the house, to redecorate them, to put up new 
purple stuff in the Drawing Room and the GaUery, and then, while 
this work was being done, he went up to London, first of all staying at 
Buckhurst for a while for some himting, and then going on to town. 
The Lord Keeper had given up his tenancy of Dorset House, " and 
rode from Dorset House to Westminster in great pomp and state, 
most of the lords going with him, amongst which my Lord was one." 
She, however, missed his company very much. " The time," she 

" Bishops edition 1598 or 1602 or perhaps the Black Letter editions of 1542 or 1561, folio 
'' George Sandys' relation of his journey to Turkey in i6io, issued in 1615. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 117 

sa}^, " was very tedious unto me, having neither comfort nor company, 
only the child," but during part of it she occupied herself in dressing 
her hair " with a Roule without a wire," and in sorting through some 
books and papers that came from her mother's house, and arranging 
them in her room, talking with the man who had brought them, 
Mr. Wolrich, about her mother and about all the northern business. 
This was not very cheerful work, for she expressty says that it made 
her sad, and she therefore turned her attention to more frivolous 
questions, and Lady St. John sent down her tailor to take her 
measurements and to make a new gown for her, and she wrote 
various letters to her friends, specially mentioning that she sent to 
Lady Beauchamp a lock of the child's hair, and she wrote to other 
Sackvllle relations, " I being desirous to win the love of my Lord's 
kindred by all the fair means that I could." The new gowns that 
were made for her came down from London a Httle while afterwards, 
and she specially records the fact that " I tried on my seawater green 
satin gown, and my damask embroidered with gold, both of which 
gowns the tailor which sent from London made fit for me to wear 
with open ruffs after the French fashion." She paid a few calls in the 
neighbourhood, and she also went to see a person whom she describes 
as Goody Sysley, who, it is clear, had just been making cheese, for 
on that occasion, they ate so much cheese there that " it made me 
sick." Upon another occasion, she speaks about walking in the 
garden and gathering cherries, talkmg with the French page, Josiah 
Cooper, who told her that he thought all the servants in the house were 
fond of her, except Lord Dorset's man " Matthew, and two or three 
of his consorts." Matthew seems to have been a constant trouble — 
" in the afternoon we again fell out about Matthew," and then she 
wrote a letter to the Bishop of London complaining of Matthew, 
and asking whether he could not interfere. Meantime, Lord Dorset 
was again getting into some kind of financial difficulty. " The Steward 
came from London, and told me my Lord was much discontented 
with me for not doing this business, but he must find land to pay 
money, which must much encumber his estate." Then his own 
stepmother was discontented with her allowance. " At this time 
my Lord's Stepmother did sue out of her Thirds, which was an increase 
of Trouble and Discontent to my Lord," and Sir George Rivers wrote 

ii8 Lady Ann^. 

to tell her that " My Lord was settling his lands upon his brother," 
and that other legal arrangements were being made which, she says, 
" did much perplex me." Finally, her cousin Lord Russell wrote to 
tell her that Lord Dorset had cancelled her jointure, " the jointure 
he had made upon me last June, when I went into the North, and 
by these proceedings, I see how much my Lord is offended with me, 
and that my Enemies have the upper hand of me." She resolved, 
however, to take it all quietly, " and I writ a letter to my Lord, to let 
hira know how ill I took the Cancelling of my Jointure, but yet told 
him I was willing to bear it with patience whatsoever he thought fit." 
As far £is possible. Lady Anne seems to have done her best to please 
her husband so long as he would keep off the question of her estates, 
but she totally decUned to consent to these estates being taken away 
from her. He gradually became a Uttle more friendly, sent his new 
barber, Adam Bradford, " to trim the Child's hair " and sent her some 
venison, " and my Lord writ me a letter," she says " between kindness 
and imkindness," but all this careless behaviour worried her not a 
little. " On Whitsunday " she says, " we all went to church, but 
my eyes were so blubbered with weeping that I could scarce look up." 
A few days later she records the fact that she rode on horseback to 
Witham, " to see my Lord Treasurer's Tomb,^' and went down into 
the Vault, and came home again, weeping the most part of the day, 
seeing my Enemies had the upper hand of me." On yet another 
occasion she sa5rs " I was extremely melancholy and sad to see things 
go so iU with me, fearing my Lord would give all his land away from 
the child." After a while. Lord Dorset came down again to Knole 
for a day or two, and then went up to London to the christening of 
Sir Thomas Howard's child, when he was going to stand godfather 
with the Prince of Wales, and on that occasion, would be meeting his 
brother. Sir Edward Sackville, whom Lady Anne dishked intensely, 
for she was quite sure that Sir Thomas Howard and Sir Edward 
Sackville would then exercise their influence upon her husband " hoping 
to do me and my child a good deal of hurt." In July, 1617, the King's 
award was actually issued.^* The previous few days. Lady Anne 
had been ill, and had written to her husband desiring him to come 

" The first Earl of Dorset, ob. 1608. The tomb was destroyed in the fire at Wthyham. 
M See abstract in the Appendix. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 119 

dovm, because she found herself in such poor health. She was com- 
plaining of a good deal of pain in her side, " which I took," says she, 
" to be the spleen." Then came the award, brought down to her 
by Marsh, and two days she spent in penismg it and the other writmgs 
that accompanied it, " it being," she writes, " as ill for me as possible." 
She put it in the hands of Mr. Davis, desiring him to make an abstract 
of it, that she might send it down to the tenants, and then, in reply 
to her letter. Lord Dorset came down to Knole, " he being something 
kinder to me than he was, out of pity, in regard he saw me so much 
Troubled." She herself made certain extracts from the award, and 
sent them down to her friends in Westmoreland, that they might 
see how she was being treated, and took the opportunity at the same 
time of sending what she called " a bowed angel," (probably a lucky 
piece of gold that was bent) to Mrs. Hartley, and a pair of Willoughby 
gloves to Lady Lowther. She seems to have been completely upset 
by this grievous decision against her, so much so, that when Lord 
Dorset begged her to undertake to look after the house, with a view, 
perhaps, to his withdrawing some of the officials of the household to 
London, she refused, saying that she was not well enough to do so, 
" things went so iU with me." This proved to him that she was really 
out of health, and for a while he made it up with her — " my Lord and 
I parted reasonable good friends, he leaving with me his grcindmother's 
ring." She still entertained very bitter feeUngs about his personal 
servant, Matthew, and at this moment the chaplain intervened. 
" At night Mr. Rand came and persuaded me to be friends with 
Matthew, but I told him I had received so many injuries from him 
that I could hardly forget them." However, a day or two afterwards 
she did agree to become friends. " Mr. Rand brought me a message 
from Matthew, saying how much he desired to have my favour, whereof 
I desired Mr. Rand to tell him that, as I was a Christian, I would 
forgive him, and so had some hours' speech with Mr. Rand." 

As soon as the award was published. Lord Cumberland had no 
further excuse for keeping back the money which was due to Lady 
Anne. Sir Matthew Hale tells us that the award which the King 
made was dated the 14th of March, 1617, and that in it the King took 
upon himself to settle the differences, and decreed that Lady Anne 
and her husband should make a conveyance under the Great Seal of 

i2o Lady Anne. 

all her lands to Lord Ciimberland under various remainders, and that 
£20,000 was to be paid over to the Earl of Dorset. This sura of money 
was to be paid in instalments, five thousand at Michaelmas, six thou- 
sand pounds at Midsummer, six thousand pounds more the following 
Midsummer, and the last three thousand pounds at Michaelmas again. 
Although she refused to accept the award in any way, yet some of the 
money certainly appears to have reached her husband. " In 
Michaelmas, 1617," she says, " did my Lord receive ;^4,ooo from 
my uncle the Earl of Cumberland, which was the first penny that I 
received of my portion," and then, on the 24th June, 1619, there is 
a further reference to the payment of money, in which she says " The 
24th my Lord received the last pa5mient of my portion, which was 
six thousand pounds, so as he hath received in all £17,000." On this 
occasion she adds, " John Taylor required of my Lord an acquittance, 
which he refused to give, in regard he had delivered in the statutes, 
which were a suf&cient discharge." One might have thought from 
the phrase " my portion " that this sum of money related to the legacy 
which had been left to Lady Anne by her father, or perhaps to some 
money bequeathed to her by her mother, or to a marriage settlement, 
but from the amount paid it is pretty clear that it was not so, as her 
father's legacy to her was fifteen thousand pounds, and these amounts, 
to which we have referred, come, according to the last statement we 
have in her Day-by-Day book, to £17,000, evidently leaving the 
final three thousand which was to be paid at Michaelmas, and which 
was to make the exact sum of twenty thousand pounds named in the 
award. We have no diary for the Michaelmsis time, and are imable 
to state, therefore, definitely whether the extra three thousand was 
paid, but the payment probably was made. 

It is therefore clear that, to a great extent, both Lord Dorset and 
Lord Cumberland gained their own way, and succeeded in getting 
hold of the estates, and in return for them. Lord Cmnberland had to 
pay out the twenty thousand pounds which Lord Dorset was so anxious 
to obtain. The fact that all this money had been paid out of the 
estates, and yet that after all, Lady Anne succeeded to them, must 
have increased her satisfaction, when she did come into possession 
of the Westmoreland property ; but it very likely accoimts for the fact 
that early in her accession to the estates, she had very little money. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 121 

for this large sum, it would appear, had been raised out of the estates 
by fines, on long leases, for the benefit of her first husband, and the 
estates to that extent were crippled in value. The particular cause 
of dispute between the husband and wife had now come to an end. 
She had been forced to yield to the King's decision, to an award which 
she declared to be wholly imreEisonable, and altogether wrong, but 
she could do no more, and she now had to wait in full expectation 
that some day or other her rights would be rectified, and that she 
would succeed to the estates. This, in due course, ensued. 

The remaining part of the Knole Day-by-Day book refers more to 
matters of personal interest, but it is also largely concerned with the 
death of the Queen, who had been Lady Anne's greatest helper in the 
whole controversy. Meantime, however. King James was on his 
way back from Scotland, and passing by Brougham on his return to 
London, was entertained at Brougham Castle by Francis, Earl of 
Cumberland and his son Lord Clifford in magnificent fashion. The 
reception has one notable feature, for it included a musical enter- 
tainment, specially prepared for the King's pleasure, and it is said 
that this was the first time when a programme of words and music 
was presented to the persons who formed the audience. The 
entertainment must have been remarkable and costly. The songs 
appear to have been expressly written by Mr. George Mason and 
Mr. John Earsdon, and a little pamphlet was printed in London in 
1618 containing the words and music. This is now exceedingly rare. 
Only two copies of it can be traced. One of them is in the British 
Museum,*^ the other was in the famous Hbrary at BritweU Court, be- 
longing to Mr. S. Christie-MiUer.** It is entitled " The Ayres that were 
Svng and Played at Brougham Castle in Westmeriand in the King's 
Entertainment, Given by the Right Honourable the Earle of Cvmber- 

« K 8 h 7. London : T. Snodham, folio. 

M Vide Rimbault on Madrigals. B.M., BBG ci6. 

The Christie Miller copy was sold at Sothebys in December, rgig (Lot JS), to Messrs. Ellis, 
who ask 125/. for it. It is a very flue copy, in finer condition than the one in the B.M., whole> 
bound in cream vellum with the Christie- Miller arms In gold on each cover. The publisher was 
Thomas Snodham, 1618. The Collation is to E in twos, the number of pieces of music 10. 

As the first example of a musical programme arranged in a private house in England for the 
special delectation of a Sovereign it is a volume eminently desirable to a collector, and it is a 
source of regret to me that it cannot find a place in my own collection. It certainly should be 
secured by some Westmoreland or Cumberland collector. 

122 Lady Anne. 

land, and his Right Noble Sonne the Lord Clifford." It comprises 
nine songs, which are as follows : — 

1. Join thy cheerful voice to mine. (A dialogue to be sung " the first 

night, the King being at supper.") 

2. Now is the time. {A dialogue to be sung " at the same time "). 

3. Welcome, welcome, King of guests. (The King's " Good Night " — 

"Good night" is the refrain to it). 

4. Come follow me, my wandering mates. 

5. Dido was the Carthage Queen. 

6. Robin is a lovely lad. (" The Dance "). 

7. The shadows dark'ning, our intent. (" A Song ") 

8. Truth sprung from heaven shall shine. 

9. O Stay, sweet is the least delay. (" The Farewell Song "). 

10. Good night. ("The Lord's welcome," sung before the King's "Good 
Night "). 

The programme is reprinted but not quite accurately, words and 
music, in John Stafford Smith's Musica Aniiqua,^'' vol. Ii, page 150, 
and there are references to each of the composers, one of whom. 
Mason, was a man of some importance in Oxford in his day ; in Sir 
John Hawkins' History of Music.^^ 

Lord Cumberland, by arranging this musical programme, having 
the songs and music all specially composed for the occcision and sending 
for a party of glee singers to come down all the way from London 
to Westmorelsmd, was evidently determined to show his sovereign 
his gratitude for the influence the King had exercised in winning the 
estates for him, and the entertainment was of such importance that 
there are many references to it in the literature of the day. It created 
quite a sensation. 

In August, 1617, Lord Dorset came down again to Knole, both he 
and his wife and Lady Margaret, occupying the same room. The 
following day, he went to Penshurst, but would not take his wife with 
him, although she sa37s " Lord and Lady Lisle ^® sent a man on purpose 
to desire me to come." He hunted in Penshurst Park, and stayed 
there at night, meeting Lord Montgomery, Lord Hay, and a great deal 
of other company, and then he went on to Buckhurst, beginning, as 

" B.M. H. 81, 1812. 

" B.M. 2031 £. 

^ Robert Sidaey, created Viscount L'Isle in 1605. 





























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(see page 66). 

To face page 123. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 123 

she says " his progress into Sussex." He had " Lord Abergavenny " 
with him, Lord Compton, his servants, and " about thirty horsemen,'* 
and they were all * very Gallant, Brave and Merry." Thence he passed 
on to Lewes, and from there wrote a letter to her of a more cheerful 
character. She refers to it as " a very kind letter." The difficulty, 
whatever it was, that had prevented her going to Penshurst Place had 
now passed away, because the very afternoon upon which she wrote 
to her husband at Lewes, she went herself to Penshurst on horseback 
to spend the day, and met there Lady Dorothy Sidney *» (who was 
the wife of Lord Lisle's eldest son, and the mother of Sachaiissa), 
Lady Manners, Lord Norris," Lady Worth,*^ and others. She re- 
turned home late at night, her cousin, Barbara Sidney, she says, 
coming with her part of the way. Lord Dorset continued to be 
away from home for some time, and Lady Anne took the opportunity 
of going to see several of her neighbours. She went on horseback on 
one occasion to Ightham Mote, to see Lady Selby and have " some 
bread and butter " with her, and on another occasion went over to 
Lullingston Castle to call upon a certain Sir Percival Hart,'* with 
whom previously her husband had been staying, on which occasion 
they hunted some deer as far as Otford. Later on, we read of this 
Sir Percival Hart coming to Knole to dine, and Lord Dorset showing 
him his stables and all his horses. One of Sir Percival's friends was a 
certain Lady Wootton (see a Lady Wotton mentioned before), who 
came over one day to see Lady Anne at Knole, in order to talk to her 
^bout the Westmoreland property. She evidently had a great opinion 
of her power of persiiasion, but foimd she had to deal with a determined 
person, and the Lady Anne says " she stayed not an hour, in regard 
she saw I was so resolutely bent not to part with Westmoreland." 
The visit to Sir Percival Hart's had evidently been rather a serious 
undertaking, because she took with her two of her Gentlewomen and 
as many " horses as ever " she could get, and then, on her return; 
the steward came io meet her. In other respects, the life at that 
time at Knole was quieter and more contented. She appears to have 

1" Daughter of Henry, gth Earl of Northumberland. 
"^ Francis, 2nd Lord Norreys, afterwards Earl of Berkshire. 
" Probably the wife of Sir Robert Wroth or Worth, knighted in 1603. 
, *3' Knighted in 1601. 

124 Lady Anne. 

amused herself upon more than one occasion, in making quince mar- 
malade. " I made much of it," she sa5^, and quite gladly used it 
for presents to various friends who called upon her, Lady Lisle and 
Lady Barbara Sidney,** both of them seem to have received gifts of 
quince marmalade, after they had walked " in the wildemesse " with 
their hostess. On another occasion, she sent to her cousin, George 
Clifford, half a buck, which my Lord had sent me half-an-hour before." 
The letter which had accompanied the buck was not a particularly 
gracious one, she speaks of it as " indifferent kind," but just at that 
time there also arrived the letter from George Clifford, saying what 
he had being doing on her behalf, and, anxious to express her good 
will towards him, she hastened to send off to him this venison as a 
gift. Lady Anne was always interested in hearing whatever news 
could be brought to her respecting the northern property, and one 
day she had in, Eifter dinner, a footman named Richard Dawson, 
who had served her mother, and he gave her the names of the various 
tenants round about Brougham, and told her how the castle had been 
deUvered up to Lord Cumberland, and the plate which had belonged 
to her mother had been sent to the care of Lord WilUam Howard, 
while some of the furniture had been put away temporarily in the 
Baron's Chamber at Appleby. He also told her to her great joy that 
" all the Tenemts were very well affected towards me and very ill 
towards them." 

Another of her occupations was to string together her chains and 
her bracelets, assisted in this work by her constant attendant 

Lord Dorset meantime was paying a series of visits, hunting, she 
says, " In many Gentlemen's Parks, Then He went on to Woodstock to 
meet the King, and stayed up and down at many Gentlemen's Houses, 
a good while. From thence He went to Bath " where there was quite 
a gay company assembled, and then to London in September, and at 
the very end of the month came down to Knole and was there for a 
few days. Afterwards the whole party moved up to London, and 
on that occasion she records with that curious satisfaction in dwelling 
on the past which always characterised her; her feelings in visiting 

•* Daughter of 'Wscount L'Isle, afterwards Viscouatess Strangford. 

Lady Anne's Fifst Markiage. 125 

on two or three occasions her mother's rooms in Austin Friars, and in 
returning again to the room in which she had been married. Whether 
the building was occupied at that time, is not very clear, but perhaps 
it was necessary for her to go and see the rooms in connection with 
some duty she may have incurred under her mother's will. She 
certainly says that she went into " most of the Rooms in the House," 
and that she found " very little or nothing of all the stuffs and Pictures 
remaining there." Her emotions quite overcame her, and in the room 
in which her mother used to sit, and in which she had been married, 
she says she " wept extremely." On returning to town, she took 
her place again. at St. Bride's Church and at Court, and says she wore 
her " Green Damask Gown embroidered, without a Farthingale." 
She was received with great consideration by the King, who, she 
says, " kissed mee when I was with Him." She records, however, 
that that was the " first time I was so near to King James as to Touch 
Him," but had evidently forgotten that two years before, he had 
given her a similar salute one day when he was going into the Queen's 
apartments, as she had herself recorded. 

She was always grateful to Queen Anne for the kindly interest 
Her Majesty had taken on her behalf, and while the king was in 
Scotland, had gone down several times to Greenwich to pay her 
respects to the Queen. She tells us that, at that time, the " Prince 
was often with the Queen," till about the time she " removed to 
Oatlands." She had also written a letter to the Queen in 1617, ex- 
pressing her thankfulness " for the favours she had done me," and 
sent it off to Lady Ruthven, specially desiring her to deliver it. 
She appears at one time to have had some conversation with the Queen 
concerning the Spanish match which was then so much talked about. 
" Folk told me," she says " for certain that the match with Spain 
for our Prince would go forward. The King of Spain was grown so 
gracious to English folk, that he had written a letter in behalf of 
Lord Willoughby's brother," (to whom Lady Anne had already 
referred) " to get him out of the Inquisition at Aricona." Now that 
she was back in town, on the 2nd of November, she sent to the Queen 
a handsome present by the hands of Lady Ruthven, she describes it 
as the skirts of a white satin gown, all pearled and embroidered with 
colours, "which cost me," she says, "four-score pounds without 

126 Lady Anne. 

the sattin," that is to say, she had incurred this expenditure for the 
embroidery and the pearl work, and in all probability, the effect 
must have been exceedingly fine. The Queen sent for her, a couple 
of da5rs after, into her own Bed Chamber, and there again she spoke 
to the King. " He used me," says she, "very graciously, and bid me 
go to his attorney, who should inform him more of my desires." 
Her own solicitor was probably a Mr. Davis, for in the following day 
she says she carried Mr. Davis *^ to Gray's Inn, to the king's attorney, 
" and I told him his Majesty's pleasure, and from thence," she adds, 
" I went on to Mr. Walton's lodgings, to entreat his advice and help 
in this business," as there was evidently still some complication, and 
then she went down to Knole again. About ten days afterwards. 
Lord Dorset was also at Knole, and her cousin Lord CMfford was with 
him. It seems that he came into her bedchamber to discuss business 
matters^ for she writes " my Lord brought my cousin Clifford, though 
much against his will, into my bed chamber, where we talked of 
ordinary matters some quarter of an hour, and so he came away," 
implying that she declined to discuss questions connected with her 
husband, her estate, or her married hfe, with this cousin. Quite a new 
difficulty was at this moment breaking upon her horizon. There was 
a certedn Lady Peneystone with whom Lord Dorset had become 
violently infatuated, and for whom he neglected his own wife in an 
open and shameless manner. In consequence Lady Anne's visits to 
Court took place but seldom, and were as short as possible, and in all 
probabihty, she would not have come to Court at all, except for the 
presence of the Queen, to whom she remained devotedly attached. 
The rest of the year, the Day-by-Day Book only records purely 
domestic matters, although many of them are of interest. 

She was afraid, early in December, that Lady Margaret was going 
to have the smallpox, for the child had a cough and a good deal of 
pain, but in a few days had recovered, and that anxiety passed 
away. Then she herself was not well, and Thomas ComwaUis, the 
Groom Porter, came down from London in order to make inquiries 
concerning her health. He was probably a man well advanced in 
years, because she spent some time in talking with him about Queen 

'^ Probably John Davis the Kings's Sergeant, appointed in 1606, 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 127 

Elizabeth, she says, " and such old matters of the Court." She also 
discussed similar questions with Sir John Taylor.** Another person 
who visited her was Lady Neville, who was taken up to Lady Anne's 
own room, where she says " I showed her all my things, and gave 
her a pair oi Spanish leather gloves." There was hunting going on 
at Buckhurst, and a great crowd of country gentlemen were Lord 
Dorset's guests, " all of them met him," she says " with their Grey 
Hounds" and all the great officials of the house went down to 
Buckhurst, and " my Lord had feasts." Sir Thomas Parker,*' she 
tells us, was there. Lord Dorset and his brother were not agreeing 
very well at this time, and they had " much squabbling," and so, after 
they had left. Lord Dorset stayed alone at Buckhurst, and had no one 
with him but his constant companion Matthew. 

Christmas was spent in London, all the household moving up to 
Great Dorset House, the child going before in a litter. " There was 
great housekeeping all this Christmas," and everything was done in 
state.** She herself went to church, she tells us, on the 28th, in her 
rich state attire, both " my Women waiting upon mee in my Liveries," 
and that day there was a great company of neighbours to eat venison. 
Then it was that she decided that she would have a definite record 
made of all her father's sea voyages, and told one of her servants, 
Jones, to inquire into the matter, and procure the ancient chronicle, 
and have it copied.** 

" Probably the Master of the Rolls, then a very old man. 
*' Knight of Ratten in Sussex, married a daughter of Lord Dacre. 

"An interesting light is thrown upon the heavy expenditure which Lord Dorset incurred 
in keeping up his household when we read, in Bridgeman's work on the Sackville family that, 
in his time, there always sat down at the Lord's table eight persons ; at the parlour table, 
twenty-one, which included the ladies-in-waiting, the gentlemen of the horse, the chaplain 
the secretaries and the pages ; at the clerk's table below the dais twenty more, which included 
the principal officials of the hotisehold, who ranked next to those already mentioned ; at the 
nursery table four more, being the attendants upon Lady Margaret ; at the long table in the 
hall forty-eight inferior servants, most of them men ; at the laundry table twelve female servants ; 
and at the scullery table six more. This does not appear to have included the attendants 
in the kennels, the stables, the gamekeeping or the hunting departments. 

In a Manuscript at Knole there is a rougher list of the servants to the following effect. 
" There are twenty-one upper servants, of whom one is Mr. Duppa the chaplain." [This rev- 
erend gentleman later on became Bishop of Chichester, and subsequently of Salisbury and of 
Winchester] " there are twenty-one cooks, brewers, yeomen and great servants," which includes 
the men who have charge of the wardrobes, and four women servants, " there are forty-seven 
men in the hall," which include the lowest huntsmen and the bird-catcher, and " there are 
twenty-four other servants," whose occupations are not specifically named. 

" This copy, a very important document, is still in existence, and is alluded to at length in 
my Memoir of George, Earl of Cumberland (Cam. Press, 1920^, where some drawings it contains 
are illustrated. 

128 Lady Anne. 

A curious piece of information, the last entry for that year, is 
to the effect that about this time died " Jim Robin's man," but " he 
left his master no remembrance, for they was fallen out." 

Early in the year. Lady Anne sent another gift to the Queen, a 
" Cloth of Silver Cushion, embroidered richly with the King of 
Denmark's arms," and decorated with " Stripes of Tent stitch," and 
for the first lour or five days of the year, she received much com- 
pany, a great many ladies, she says, coming to see her. She mentions 
by name Lady Cavendish, Lady Bruce, Lady Herbert and Lady 
Donne,'" with the last named of whom she " had much talk about 

Lord Dorset was in one of his grumbling moods, and on Twelfth 
Eve, he lost four hundred pieces, pla5dng cards with the King, which 
did not improve his temper. The Prince had an important masque at 
Whitehall on Twelfth Night, at which the King was present, but 
Queen Anne was by that time lying seriously ill at Hampton Court, 
and Lady Anne had but little heart for gaieties, and does not 
appear to have attended this particular masque. Directly after 
Twelfth Night they all removed again to Knole, and no sooner had the 
party left London, than, as she tells us, " The Banqueting House at 
Whitehall was burnt to the ground, and the writings in the Signet 
Office were all lost." She brought down with her to Knole a great 
trunk of papers that had belonged to her mother " which trunk " 

she says ' was full of writings of Craven and Westmoreland 

and Certain letters of Her Friends, and many Papers of Philosophy." 
These she probably sorted at this time, perhaps with the assistance 
of Lady Wootton, who came to see her, and to talk over various 
matters. In all probability, several of the documents which had 
belonged to Lady Cumberland which are now at Skipton Castle and 
Appleby Castle, were amongst the papers in this old trunk which 
Lady Anne sorted out at Knole and kept by her with such care. 

She was always anxious to do what she could to promote a spirit 
of friendliness with the various members of the Sackville family, 
especially when there was the least sign of friction, and understanding 
herself only too well what difficulties meant between husband and 

'" Possibly Mary, widow of Lord Wentworth and wife of Sir William Pope, created Earl of 
Downe, or more probably the wife of Paui«l Dunne, LL.D., Knighted in 1603. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 129 

wife, tried her best to avoid them amongst her relatives. " On the 
22nd here supped with me my Sisters Sackville and Beauchamp, Bess 
Neville, Tom Glenham, and my brother Compton and his wife. 
I brought them to sup here on purpose, hoping to make them friends." 
In this particular plan, she appears to have been successful, because 
a few lines lower down she says " About this time my sister Compton 
was reconciled to her husband and went to his house in Finch Lane, 
where they stayed ten or twelve days, and then he brought her into 
the country at Brambletye," '^ and again later on, " my brother 
Compton I made promise me and he gave his hand upon it that he 
would keep his house in Finch Lane until Lady Day next, because 
my sister Compton might sometimes come to London." 

Once again, she went up to London for a short time, and then on 
the 23rd of January, returned to Knole in a litter, and on this occasion, 
Lady Margaret came back in a coach. " I went," she says " through 
the City and over the Bridge, but she crossed the water," and they 
found Lord Dorset waiting for them at Knole, as he had been staying 
there alone for some little time. They entertained some friends. 
Lord Wilham Howard and Lady Selby,'^ and Sir Ralph Boswell " 
came to see them, " but I kept my chamber, because I found myself ill 
and weak." Her sister. Lady Beauchamp, had lost her Uttle girl, the 
child having passed away in the house in which her father had died 
only two months before. The body was put into lead and sent down 
to the House Steward at Knole, in order to be buried at Witham. It 
arrived at Knole on the very day on which Lady Anne was twenty- 
nine years old, and a couple of days afterwards the funeral took place, 
and " so now," she says, " there was an end of the issue of that marriage, 
which was concluded soon after mine." 

The irritation which had arisen between Lord William Howard and 
Lord Chfford, came to a head in February, when they were sum- 
moned before the Lords of the Council, who made inquiry concerning 
their procedure in the North. This inquiry did not result in any 
friendship, but increased the difficulties, and Lady Anne seems to 

" Brambletye is now a niin near to Forest Row village. It was at one time a great house 
belonging to the Sackville family. It stands in what was originally Ashdowu Forest. 

'* Probably wife of Sir George Selby, Sheriff of Newcastle " the King's host " as he was called. 

79 This Sir Ralph Boswell she mentions again a little later, for when she Wcis ill she says 
" he played and sung to her in the aftenwon," 

130 Lady Anne. 

have appreciated the fact of this squabbling, for she says, " The 
Spleen increased between them more and more, and bred faction in 
Westmoreland, which I held to be a very good matter for me." 
Lord Dorset went down to Buckhurst on the 22nd of February to have 
a quiet time by himself, and probably to entertain some of his bachelor 
friends. She remained at Knole, and on Shrove Tuesday amused herself 
with making pancakes " with my women in the Great Chamber." 

AU the talk just then was about the famous (or, rather infamous) 
inquiry respecting the moral conduct of Lady Exeter. Lady Anne 
speaks of it in the curiously frank manner in which such cases were 
reported at that time, and seems to have taken a great deal of satis- 
faction in writing down the unpleasant rumours of incest and defama- 
tion of character that were flying about respecting Lady Exeter, 
Lady Lettice Lake, Lord Roos and other people. She also refers, 
with a certain grim satisfaction, to the fact that " my Lady of Suffolk 
at Northampton House, about this time had the smallpox, which 
spoiled that good Face of Hers, which had brought to others much 
misery, and to Herself Greatness, which ended with much unhappiness." 
She also relates incidentally the account of the death of Lord Cobham 
after his liberation from the Tower. 

The lawsuit which has just been mentioned, caused Sir Thomas 
Lake to lose his place as Secretary of State, and Sir George Calvert 
was given that high office. 

We then come to the anniversary of her wedding day, February 
25th, 1619, when she writes, " My Lord should have gone to London 
on the 24th of this month, but I entreated him to Stay here the 25th, 
because on that day 10 years I was married." She appears to have 
regarded her married hfe with all its troubles as a time of real 
happiness, because she kept the day, she says " as a Day of Jubilee." 
Lord Dorset did remain until the 27th, and then went off on horse- 
back, but the snow was so heavy and the cold so intense, that he was 
quite ill after his journey, and instead of returning to Knole, stayed 
in London for ten days and possibly on that occasion, laid the seeds 
of an illness which not very long afterwards was to cause his death. 
Lady Anne was all this time in constant communication with her 
northern friends. Many letters, she says, she had from Mr. Davis 
and Mr. Marsh, " by which I perceived " that the " Business went 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 131 

well to my liking in Westmoreland," by reason of the differences 
which existed between Lord Clifford and her cousin. 

Now, however, another trouble was to come upon her, the serious 
illness of the Queen, and presently Her Majesty's death. The King 
was not able to come to Hampton Court when the Queen died, 
as he had, she tells us, " an extreme fit of the Stone at Newmarket, 
so as many doubted of his recovery, and the Prince did Post down to 
see him." The Queen died on the 2nd of March, between two and three 
in the morning. The House Steward, Legge, brought down the news 
to Knole, and Lady Anne, who was always pleased at noticing co- 
incidences, remarks that she was sitting in the same room at Knole 
where she had the first news of her mother's death, and at about the 
same hour. Queen Anne of Denmark, she records, died in the same 
room " Queen Jane, Harrie 8ths wife died in." The body was 
opened, and the viscera buried privately in the Abbey at Westminster, 
" in the place where the King's Mother's Tomb is," only " four of her 
servants, the Gentlemen Ushers, and a Herald being present, the 
Dean of Westminster conducting the ceremony, and about ten other 
persons with him. " The corpse, she tells us, was brought from Hampton 
Court to Denmark House by water in the night, and the " Great 
Ladies of the Court watched while it lay there " with much state. 
She took her turn with the other Court attendants at the watching, 
and afterwards, hand in hand with Lady Lincoln,'* walked in the 
procession, each of them wearing a mourning robe of sixteen yards 
of heavy black cloth ! 

Immediately after the ceremony, Lord Dorset, who had not been 
well, but who was just able to come up to town to take part in the 
funeral procession to Denmark House and the funeral, returned home 
by barge with his wife and Lord and Lady Warwick. Lady Anne at 
once went to see Lady Beauchamp to show off her mourning attire, 
where she says she met Lady Pembroke, and other persons of 
her acquaintance, with whom she had much talk about the funeral. 
Lord Clifford had come up from Westmoreland and was also a mourner, 
and he it was who carried the banner for the Lords. " When all the 
Company was gone and the Church Door shut up, the Dean of West- 
minster, the Prebends, and Sir Edward Zouch, who was Knight Marshal 

'* Probably the wife of Theophilus, 12th I^rd Clinton and 4tli Earl of Ijncob. 

132 Lady Anne. 

came up a private way, and burned the Corps at the East end of 
Henry VII's chapel, about seven o'clock at night." She records 
the fact that there were i8o poor women mourners, and these were 
probably persons to whom alms were given on the occasion of the 
funeral. Sir Edward SackviUe was not present. He was seriously 
ill, so ill, that at one time it was " generally reported that he was 
dead." That evening, there was a great supper at Dorset House, 
given especially in honour of some of the Frenchmen who came over 
with the Ambassador to the funeral, and " after supper there was a 
Play," and at the banquet she specially records that " my Lady 
Peneystone, and a great many Lords and Ladies, were present," 
Lord Dorset had been tr5dng for some time past to persuade his wife 
to receive Lady Peneystone at Knole. She seems, however, to 
have objected to doing so, but in the succeeding July, she records the 
fact that all that summer Lady Peneystone was at " the Wells near 
Tunbridge, drinking the Waters," and in consequence, she was not 
able to avoid having her over to Knole, " on the 24th after supper, 
came to Knole Sir Thomas Peneystone '* and his Lady, and Sir Maxi- 
milian '* and Lady Dalison." The 25th they stayed with her all day, 
she speaks of their having great entertainment and much stir about 
them, and the 26th they all went away. She does, however, mention 
in another side note in her book that there was some condemnation 
amongst local gentry of this visit of Lady Peneystone. " This coming 
hither of Lady Peneystone was much talked of abroad, and my Lord 
was condemned for it." Lady Devonshire, she says, was also at the 
Wells at that time and came over to Knole for dinner. 

The Queen's funeral, which was postponed for many months on 
account of the King's illness, has rather upset our chronology, and we 
now come back again to March, to the time when the Queen's 
death actually occurred. Lady Anne was much depressed at this 
time. She had been reading a book " in praise of the Solitary Life," " 
and having St. Augustine's " City of God " '^ read to her — books 
which had belonged to her mother. She had also been working 

™ First Baronet. He married three times. We are not clear which of the three wives is 
alluded to here. 
'« Knight of Hailing in Kent. 

" Perhaps " The Praise of Solitariness," 1577 or St. Basil's Epistle of a -Solitary Life, 1594. 
" Folio, 1610. Printed by J. H[ealy], dedicated to Lord Pembroke. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 133 

very earnestly at two of the books of the Clifford records, which her 
mother had commenced to prepare, and she was depressed by 
the fact that Lord Warwick ''* had rather suddenly died, leaving, 
she says, " a great estate to Lord Rich and my good friend his lady, 
and leaving his wife, which was my Lady Lampwell, a widow for the 
second time." Furthermore she had read a book called " The Sup- 
plication of the Saints," ^^ which Lord Dorset had given her, and 
dweUing iipon these books and furthermore worr5dng herself unduly 
about a search that Lord Dorset had been making for recusants, 
was evidently in very poor health, and so came to the conclusion, 
after a great " Passion of Weeping " in her room, that her " mind 
w£is so troubled " that she was not fit "to receive Communion " 
that Easter. 

She goes on to tell us she had been keeping Lent very 
strictly, not eating either butter or eggs, until at last Lord 
Dorset had interfered, and insisted upon a change because she 
was looking pale and ill, and as she herself confesses was weak 
and sickly. It was evident that she had been keeping Lent in 
far too austere a fashion considering the state of her health. On 
Good Friday she decided that she certainly would not take Communion. 
The next day she sent for the chaplain, Mr. Rand, and told him that 
she did not feel herself " fit to receive Communion," and as soon as 
Lord Dorset heard what she had decided, he said that the Communion 
was to be put off for the whole household at Knole, excepting any of 
them that liked to go to the church. In consequence, Mr. Rand 
preached in the private chapel, but there was no Communion that 
Easter in the house, only at the church. In the afternoon, however, 
she began to repent that she had caused the Communion to be put 
off tiU Whitsuntide, and appears to have taken the opportunity to 
have some serious conversation with Lord Dorset, when he protested 
to her that he would be " a very good husband to her," and she should 
receive no prejudice by the legal action that had proceeded at this 
time, while in various ways he endeavoured to cheer her up, so that 
the happy event which was then expected, might come off with 

"This must surely be Robert Rich, ist Earl who only became Earl of Warwick in the previous 
August. His wife is usually called widow of Sir George Paul. 

80 " Supplication of the Saints," by T. Sorocold i6i2, a very popular book which ran into 
45 editions. 

i34 Lady AnKE. 

satisfaction. Soon afterwards he appears to have left Knole, and 
gone to Buckhurst, and afterwards to Lewes to see, she says, " the 
Muster which the County prepared, in so much better Fashion by 
reason of their affection to Him, which was as much as my Lord hath 
in any County, or Can have." It is always of interest to see the way 
in which she takes every opportunity of tr5dng, even against her own 
will, to praise up her unworthy husband. It is clear that she was 
really fond of him, and equally clear that at times, he had considerable 
affection for her, but he was led astray by his love of sport, and by 
his wild companions. 

On the 4th of April, 1619, there was a general thanksgiving for the 
King's recovery at Paul's Cross. The Bishop of London preached, and 
most of the Privy Council were present. Lord Dorset had been as usual 
amusing himself at cards, and in Lewes there had been great play be- 
tween Lord Hunsdon, Lady Effingham and Lord Dorset, who appears 
to have lost about two hundred pounds to each of them. There were 
great festivities in Lewes, and the town entertained the party with 
fireworks. King James was not satisfied however, to hear that one 
of his favourite courtiers was simply gratif5dng his own inclination, 
while he was down at Newmarket in poor health, for, although 
there had been a thanksgi^'ing for his recovery, he was yet not 
sufficiently strong to be moved. He sent for Lord Dorset " there 
came a Letter to my Lord, to advise Him to come to Royston 
to the King, because most of the Lords had been with Him at 
the time of his sickness," but Lord Dorset had not been amongst 
the number, and so back the young nobleman had to go. He 
journeyed from Knole up to London, and the next day went on 
from London to Royston and watched by the King that night in 
company with Lord Warwick and Lord North. The King appreciated 
the attention, " and used him," says she, " very well," and so Lord 
Dorset stayed at Royston till the 13th and then he came up to 
London, and three or four days afterwards she journeyed up, in com- 
pany with her gentlewomen and most of the household, leaving only 
one maid, Mary Hutchins, behind, to wait upon Lady Margaret. 

We have already referred to the fact that Mrs. Bathurst, who 
appears to have been a sort of Gentlewoman in Waiting to Lady 
Margaret, had been dismissed. Apparently the new Lady Warwick 

Lady Anne's ^irst MARRtAGE. 135 

had rather taken up the cause of this person, and had pointed out to 
Lady Anne that she had made an error in her dismissal. " I met 
Mrs. Bathurst at Lady Beauchamp's on the i8th, Sunday, after she 
had been to Warwick House." She was in mourning attire, because 
of the recent death of Lord Warwick. She told Mrs. Bathurst on one 
occasion she " did both forget and forgive anything she had done 
against her," and she spoke to Lady Warwick on her behalf, probably 
obtaining for Mrs. Bathurst a similar position in the house of the 
new countess. The following day, she took her part in sitting by the 
Queen's corpse, and then went into the gallery of Somerset House 
(then called Denmark House) and showed to one of her cousins " the 
fine delicate things there." Two or three days afterwards, we hear 
of her at Parson's Green, where she went to see Lady St. John, and 
particularly records the fact that she met " a Spanish friar." 

Lord Dorset had on his return to London taken his usual enjoyment 
of cock-fighting, had " two days' cocking at the cockpit," he was also 
" Running at the Ring and had an infinite company with him." 
The very day that Lady Anne was at Parson's Green, the King arrived 
at Theobald's, brought in a litter from Royston to Ware, and then on 
to Theobald's, but carried " most part of the way by the Guard, for 
he was still so ill, he could not endure the litter." Once again we 
hear of her taking her place watching beside the Queen's body, accom- 
panied by variotis other persons. Lord Carew,*^ Lord Compton, Lord 
CUfford, and others, from the early part of the evening up to mid- 
night. There were also present, she says. Lord Dorset, Lady Warwick, 
Sir Henry Rich, Sir Thomas Edmonds,^^ and other people, but they 
all left at midnight, whereas she and some of the ladies in waiting 
remained till five o'clock in the morning. On Saturday the 24th, 
Lord Dorset went down to see the King, " who used him," says she, 
" very Graciously," and then, the next day, she and Lady Warwick 
went to Denmark House, to hear " a Sermon in the Great Hall," and 
afterwards to Hyde Park to " take the air," and when she returned 
home, he went on to see his brother, who was still ill, " and 
is very sick and out of Temper in his body." There was more cock- 
fighting on the Monday, Lord Dorset winning five or six " battles," 

'^ George, ist and only Ix)rd Carew of Clopton, afterwards Earl of Totnes. 
*' Clerk of the Council, Knighted in 1603. 

136 Lady AN>fE. 

while she went to see Lady Windsor and Lady Raleigh, the latter of 
whom lived in a house close by Austin Friars. On Tuesday, she tells 
us, she received her new mourning gown. She had already been 
expostulated with by her husband, again and again, for not taking 
sufficient interest in her costume, and so she has a new gown made 
and certain ornaments she speaks of for it " that Nan Horn made 
for me." 

Two of the tenants meantime, belonging to the V/estmoreland 
estates, had got into serious difficulties with the Earl of Cumberland, 
and although Lady Anne was not responsible in any way for them, 
they appear to have come to London to see her, and to crave her 
assistance in an action they proposed to take against Lord Cumberland. 
Matters were evidently not progressing favourably in the North. 
There was a good deal of quarrelling between young Lord Clifford 
and his tenants. " Matters went more to my content and less to his 
than we expected." Lady Anne appears to have sided with the 
tenants, and to have arranged with various officials that they should 
see the Lord Chancellor,®* but his orders to them were very definite 
he told them that they were to be good tenants to Lord Cumberland, 
and seems to have threatened them that, if they did not obey his in- 
structions, "he would break them." They were evidently loth to accept 
him as their landlord, " the poor men " she says " were much perplexed 
and troubled. I gave them the best comfort and encouragement I 
could." A httle later, she sent them back again to their homes, with 
handsome presents of gold and silver. She was not pursuing a wise 
course in thus interfering between the tenants and the owner of the 
land, and her representative, Mr. Davis, seems to have received some 
very straight remarks from the Lord Chancellor, for she sa5rs, " My 
Lord Chancellor had the tenants before him, and counselled them to 
5deld to my uncle Cumberland, at which time he gave Mr. Davis bad 
words." It is probable that the estate from which they had come 
was that called King's Meaburn or Maud's Meaburn, because on the 
1st of May, 1619, she expressly records the fact that her representative 
Mr. Davis, came and read to her and to Lord Dorset, the papers con- 
cerning a Chancery suit which Lord Cumberland and his son Lord 
Clifford had started against the tenants of that particular estate. 

"Sit Francis Bacon ; Chancellor, January 4th, 1618 ; Removed, i6ai. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 137 

On the 2nd of May she received a visit from some people who were 
evidently unwelcome, but we have not been able to ascertain the 
cause. " When I returned home," she says, " I found Mr. Hammers ®* 
and his wife here, and told her that for my part, she had made so 
many scorns and jests of me, she was nothing welcome to me." 

The remainder of the Day-by-Day Book is concerned with informa- 
tion of a domestic or of a local character, with here and there reference 
to public matters. For example, Lady Anne gives us the following 
facts. She calls the marriage of Lord Sheffield ** to Anne Urwyn 
" mean and indiscreet." She speaks of the death on the 3rd of May, 
1619, of Sir Arthur Lake's ®* wife, and says that she had been 
" grievously tormented a long time with pains and sores, which broke 
out in blotches." She refers to the arraignment and condemnation by 
the King's Bench, of WilHams, a lawyer, who was adjudged to be hung, 
drawn and quartered, for having written a certain book called 
" Balaam's Ass," ®' and mentions that he was taken to Newgate, 
and the horrible sentence was carried out at Charing Cross on the 
5th of May. She refers with great gratification to the fact that 
Bamevelt had been beheaded at the Hague on the 3rd instant, and says 
that " this man hath long been a Secret Friend to the Spaniards, and 
an Enemy to the English."®* She relates that Lord Doncaster*' 
had been sent on an " embassage into Germany," to go to the emperor, 
and to " mediate between him " and the King, and on the 30th of 
December in the same year, she tells us that Lord Doncaster had 
returned. She mentions the coronation of the Palgrave and 
Princess Ehzabeth as King and Queen of Bohemia at Prague. She 
says that there was great expectation that Lord and Lady Suffolk 
would be proceeded against in the Star Chamber, but that the suit 
was put off until a Uttle later, and then in December states that " they 
both were sent to the Tower." At the same time she mentions that 
Lord William Howard had started an action in the Star Chamber 

" Possibly the Prebendary of Worcester, consecrated Bishop of St Asaph in 1642, if he ever 

^ Tliird Baron, afterwards Earl Mulgrave. Tliis was his second wife. 

" Second son of Sir Thomas Lake, knighted in 1617. 

*' A very rare tract of 4 leaves in verse, 1649. The author does not appear to be mentioned 
in any of the books of reference and perhaps has not hitherto been known. See B.M. £564(7). 

^ Renier van Olden-Bamevelt, Dutch Patriot ob. 1623. 

" James, Lord Hay, Viscount Doncaster and afterwards Earl of Carlisle, ob: 1636. 

138 Lady Anne. 

against Sir William Hatton, and some other people, and that Lady 
Roos' '" submission was read in the same chamber, but that as she 
and Sir Arthiir and Lady Lake refused to submit to it, they were 
committed close prisoners to the Tower. She refers to a marriage 
between Sir Thomas Glenham and Sir Peter Vavasour's daughter, 
and says that the lady brought " a great portion " to her husband- 
It seems to be possible that Lord Dorset's Gentleman, who has generally 
been spoken of as Thomas Glenham, was the same person who is here 
alluded to. She mentions that Sir Henry Vane came down in July 
to Knole, and played at bowls. She tells us that Lady Bedford had 
the smallpox, and through it lost one of her eyes. On another occasion 
she mentions that her cousin Oldworth *^ came down to show her the 
drawings of certain monuments that were to be set up at Chenies of 
her great-grandfather the Earl of Bedford, her grandfather who suc- 
ceeded him, and of Lady Warwick. She says that Sir Harry Vane's 
wife had a child who was named Walter, and that Lady Selby and 
she were godmothers, and Mr. Walter Sturt and Sir R. Yeatley *^ 
were godfathers. Towards the end of the diary, she again refers to 
Lord Suffolk's trial, and sajrs that he was brought into the Star Chamber 
before all the Council, and it was adjudicated that he should pay six 
thousand pounds to the King, and that " he and his lad57 should remain 
Prisoners in the Tower " during the King's pleasure. 

Of matters that are purely domestic, we have several interesting 
small entries. On the 6th of May, Lord Dorset sat up playing cards 
very late, and did not come home till twelve o'clock at night. A day 
or two afterwards, it is mentioned that neither she nor Lord Dorset 
went to church in the morning, because, says she, " Skinnie was 
married that Day to Sarah," but in this particular instance, we are 
not able to identify either of the persons "referred to. In April 
of that year Lord Dorset and Lady Anne had decided to go 
home suddenly from London to Knole, and the coach and horses were 
ready, but, says she " there came a great shower, which stayed our 
going," and so they appear to have simply used the coach to go to 

'" Eldest daughter of Sir Thomas Lake, wife of William Cecil, Lord Roos and grand-daughter 
by marriage of the Earl of Exeter. 

'^Arnold Oldisworth (b. 1561) antiquary, in all probability. His son Michael (1591-1694 
was afterwards Lord Pembroke's secretary. 

" Possibly Sir R. Yaxeley, knighted in 1599. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 139 

Westminster Abbey to see the various tombs, and especially to notice 
the place where the Queen had been buried in Henry VII's chapel. 

Her reading during that time is mentioned on two or three occasions. 
She says that her cousin at one time was reading Parson's Resolutions •' 
to her, at another Ovid's Metamorphoses,** she also mentions the 
fact that Wat Conniston read a book called Leicester's Commonwelth *^ 
to her, and when he had finished that, commenced to read Josephus,'* 
and she was also spending a great deal of time in reading through 
the documents concerning her father's voyages, which she was 
having carefully written out. At other times, she says she was 
airing the furs which came from London, one of which — " a sable 
muff " — she says she gave as a gift to Sir Robert Farley (?), or she was 
playing at Tables with the steward, or at Glecko, occasionally losing 
more money than she had intended, and deciding not to play any more 
for some considerable time. There are a few entries directly con- 
cerned with Knole, with her own establishment, and with her little girl. 
She had considerable difficulty at intervals with those who were about 
her. " On the 14th of July my cousin Mary and I had a bitter faUing 
out." The following day, being Sunday, she did not go to church 
at all, because she fell out with Kate Burton, and swore, says she, 
" I would not keep her, but I would send her to her father." Three 
days after, she records a visit from Sir Edward Burton, and " I told 
him I was determined I would not keep his Daughter," and then on 
the 2nd of October, she mentions the fact that " Kate Burton went 
away from serving me, to her father's house in Sussex." She also 
mentions that she had an accident with one of her teeth one night, 
breaking it off, and that she " was sad and melancholy all night," 
perhaps in consequence of the mishap. 

Lady Margaret was five years old in July, and Lord Dorset, who 
was at that time at Knole sitting to Van Somer for his portrait, 
caused her health to be drunk throughout the house. That same 

M " Resolutions of Religion," by R. Parsons 1603. 

** Probably Golding's Black Letter edit., translation printed by Purfoot 1612 ; " always 
lively and sometimes poetic." 

'' A story, small 4to with portrait, declared to have been written by Robert, Earl of 
Leicester, 1584, but probably by Father Parsons, the Jesuit. Sydney issued an answer to it. 
Shaliespeare is said to have used it when writing Hamlet. 

•' Lodge's translation, 1603 or i6og. 


Lady Anne, 

month, she says that her daughter began to sit to Van Somer for her 
picture, and he was also copjing her Lord's picture for her.®' 

Such a small event as the going away of one of the laundry maids 
is recorded in this wonderful Day-by-Day Book : — " October 7, Bess 
of the laundry went away, and one Nell came in her room," and then 
about this time, Lady Anne took to her room, and she says that she 
" stirred not out of it " from October to March. A new attendant 
came to serve her on the 14th, Sir Francis Slingsby,®^ she says, "brought 
his Daughter Mary to serve me, and she came that night and lay in 
Judith's roor.i, so that I mean to keep her continually about me." 
Three or four days afterwards, at night, she sajre, " the Fire Dog 
played with Fire," and this may perhaps be an allusion to a false 
alarm, and the Dog may have been an arrangement for putting a fire 
engine to work, because she says she took cold with " standing in a 
Window," evidently to look at it. A very little while afterwards an 
actual fire occurred, because on the 29th she saj's that the " Drawing ' 
Chamber Chimney was on Fire," and she had to " sup in the new 
Drawing Chamber with my Lord." 

Lady Margaret does not seem to have progressed very rapidly in her 
ability to talk clearly. She says, " All the winter my Lady Margaret's 
Speech was very iU, so that Strangers cannot understand her, besides 
she was so apt to take Cold, and so out of Temper, that it grieved me to 
think of it," and, she adds, " I verily believe aU these inconveniences 
proceed from some Distemper in her Head." It was also considered 
worthy of notice that in October, 1619, the gallery was rehung with 
new hangings, " all my Lord's caparisons, which Edwards the up- 
holsterer made up." 

Lady Anne was evidently at this time in exceedingly fragile health, 
and by no means satisfied with her physical condition ; therefore it 
was that she spent a considerable amount of time in her own room 
and did not stir forth " yet methinks," says she, " the time is not so 
tedious to me as when I used to be abroad." On one occasion she 

°' We believe that these are the pictures at Knole which have been at one time attributed 
to Cornelius Janssens or Johnson, 

?8 Biurke says that this man was never knighted and that all the writers, including Pennant, 
who dub him Sir Francis are in error. Lady Anne is however a credible witness. He had been 
with Ixjrd Cumberland in the voyage of 1593. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 14^ 

was much happier than usual, because Sir Francis Slingsby " had 
come to her, and was giving her a long account of her father's voyages. 
Just before this, she had a severe faint, and says that it was " the 
first time " in her life that she had ever fainted. There are very 
occasional references to Lord Dorset, but probably, on Lady Peney- 
stone's account, things were not particularly happy between husband 
and wife. She records, however, with some considerable satisfaction, in 
November, that " on the 29th day of the month was the last time my 
Lord came to Lady Peneystone at her Mother's Lodgings in the Strand," 
and so it may be hoped that this affair between Lord Dorset and Lady 
Peneystone had in some way or other come to an end. On the whole 
Lord Dorset seems to have been kinder to her just at this time than 
he had been before, and during the period of her weak health, she 
received much attention and kindness from the ladies round about 
her neighbourhood. " The ladies were very kind to me," says she. 
There were occasional difficulties, however, for example, on the 15th 
of December, after supper, " My Lord and I had great falUng out, he 
sa5ang that if ever my land came to me, I should assure it as he would 
have me." However, three days afterwards, this quarrel seems to 
have been made up, for on the i8th " my Lord came and supped with 
me in my chamber, which he had not done before since his coming to 
London, for I determined to keep my Chamber, and did not so much 
as go over the threshold ol the door." He was evidently, however, 
enjoying himself. In London, she speaks of his keeping " a great 
Table," of having a " Great company of Lords and gentlemen that 
used to dine with him," and when he was down at Knole, she men- 
tioned the fact that he had guests frequently, while on one occasion, 
she gives the names of three persons who dined with her Gentle- 
women, Mrs. Care, Goody Davey, and Goody Crawley. As regards 
her own estates, there are only a very few Unes. " I perceived how 
ill things were likely to go in Westmorland," she says. " I received 
a box of sweetmeats," she adds on another occasion, " brought me 
by one of the tenants to whom I gave good reward," and then she 
mentions that she signed a letter of attorney for Ralph Conniston to 
receive certain debts that had been due to her mother, and he went 
off to the north to obtain them. She pressed Lord Dorset more 

" See over respecting Sir Francis Slingsby. 

142 Lady Anne. 

than once concerning her jointure, telling him straightly "how 
good he was to every one else and how unkind " to her, and at 
last he promised her, in May of that year, " in a manner that he 
would make me a Jointure of Four Thousand pounds a year, whereof 
part should be of the lands he has assured to my uncle Cumberland," 
but he put off doing this as long as he could, for it was not until the 
loth of July, 1623, that he executed the deeds, and on that occasion, 
says she, " Did my Lord in Great Dorset House (hee being then verie 
sickUe) make over to mee My Jointure, of those Landes in Sussex, 
the use whereof I now enjoy, and part thereof I have assigned and 
made over to my two Daughters." At the time that this jointure 
was actually signed, her uncle, the Earl of Bath, was also very ill, 
and two days after the signature he died. His son Edward succeeded 
him, and lived for thirteen years longer, when the brother of her girl 
friend Frances died, and the peerage of Bath became extinct, 

We have no Day-by-Day Book records after December, 1619. Our 
last reference in the book is to the fact that Lord Dorset had sent 
his wife a pedigree of the Sackvilles, and that she wrote a letter to 
him and thanked him for it, but we know from other sources that 
she was much depressed by reason of the deaths of her little boy, 
and of the two infants who succeeded him, for her brother-in-law, 
Sir Edward SackviUe, whom she so disUked, still remained her husband's 
heir. Her fifth child, Isabella, was born in 1622, and she and her 
sister Margaret lived to grow up, and to be a great source of pride 
and pleasure to their mother during their lives. Lord Dorset, however, 
although only thirty-four, was already in decUning health, worn out 
by reckless living, extravagance and carelessness. Clarendon tells 
us " his excess of expenditure in all the ways to which money could 
be appUed, was such, that he so entirely consumed almost the whole 
great fortune which descended to him, that when he was forced to 
leave the title to his younger brother, he left, in a manner, nothing 
to him to support it." ^"^ It seems likely that when Lord Dorset fell 
seriously ill of his last illness, both his little girl and his wife were ill 
also. Just before then, Lady Margaret was sickening for smallpox. 
Her mother nursed her most carefully and patiently, and ten days 

ion It is said that it was estimated from his debts that he must have spent ^loo a day for 
the years during which he held the estates. 

Lady Anne's First Marriage. 143 

after the father's funeral the disease made itself fully apparent in 
virulent form. Lady Anne therefore was not with her husband when 
he died. It is clear that he had expected to get well, and in fact had 
thought that he was on the high road to recovery, for early in the 
morning of the 26th of March, 1624, he wrote to Lady Dorset this 
letter, stiU preserved at Appleby Castle, 

Sweet heart, 

I thank you for your letter, I had resolved to come down to Knole, and to 
have received the Blessed Sacrament, but God hath prevented it with sickness, 
for on Wednesday night I fell into a fit of casting [vomiting] which held me long, 
then last night I had a fit of a fever. I have for my physician Dr. Baskervile 
and Dr. Fox. I thank God I am now at good ease, having rested well this 
morning. I would not have you trouble yourself till I have occasion to send for 
you. You shall in the meantime hear daily from me. So, with my love to you, 
and God's blessing and mine to both my children, I commend you to God's 

Your assured loving husband, 

Richard Dorset. ^"^ 

It would appear by this letter that Lady Anne at that time was 
certainly in a position to travel if need be, but this was written when 
she was nursing her little girl, and before she actually failed ill herself. 
Before noon, however, on that very day. Lord Dorset was dead. It 
was Easter Sunday, and he probably h^d a sudden recurrence of 
apoplexy, for the records tell us that on the " Easter Sunday, the 
26th of March, 1624, about twelve o'clock at noon, died Richard 
Sackville, Earl of Dorset, at Great Dorset House." Lady Anne, in 
her diary records the fact that he was buried at Withyhami"^ " with 
his son Buckhurst, my child, and many other of the Sackvilles, his 
ancestors and their wives." He was, says she, " just 35 years old at 
his death, and I about 10 months younger, but I was not with him 
when he died, being then very sick and ill myself at Knole house in 
Kent, where I and my two daughters then lay." 

1"! The body of this letter is in the hand of an amanuensis, and evidently written from dictation. 
The signature alone is in Lord Dorset's handwriting. It must have been written early in the 
morning. Its date — so important — ^has hitherto escaped notice. 

102 jjij Xomb is no longer to be seen. It with others was destroyed by the fire which broke 
out in the church in 1663 and burned many of the finest tombs in the Sackville Chapel. The 
body rested at Croydon in an Inn, en route from London to Withyham and Lady Anne on one 
occasion when her daughter Lady Thanet stayed at this Inn, reminded her in a letter that it 
was the very place where her own father's body had once lain. 


Lady Anne. 

He was succeeded by his brother, .Sir Edward Sackville,i°^ who was 
at that time, she tells us, " behond sea at fflorence in Italy," he " came 
through France into England about the latter end of May following," 
and " never went out of England after." He became, she adds, 
" a great man at the Court, both in the little time that King James 
Lived and Reigned after, and in King Charles his time. Soe as hee 
was Lord chamberlen to his Queene and Knight of the Garter, and," 
says she, " a powerful enemy against me." 

Of her husband she speaks generously. They were warmly attached 
to one another, although there were these constant difficulties between 
them, and she not only had a great deal of affection for him, but a 
considerable amount of admiration for his character. It was natural 
that she objected to what she calls his " excessive prodigality in 
housekeeping " and other " noble ways at Court, as tilting, masking, 
and the like," but she was always ready to praise his " sense of justice," 
his "sweet disposition," and his "valiant behaviour," and so thoroughly 
did she carry out her feelings concerning him that she provided in 
excellent fashion for his two natural daughters. One of them died in 
her minority, but to the other she not only in later days gave a hand- 
some portion, but also, when the girl married a clergyman named 
Belgrave, provided a living worth £140 per annum for him. It is 
pleasant to reflect that the last letter which passed between husband 
and wife was of so agreeable and affectionate a character. 

"' It was of this Earl that it is said " he toolj so to heart the murder of Charles I. that he 
never again stirred from his house, and died in 1633 in his own room, 




THERE is at Appleby Castle a little packet of Lady Anne's 
letters to her mother, written when she was Countess of 
Dorset. They had evidently been carefuUy preserved by 
Lady Cumberland, and possibly were amongst the papers in the trunk 
which was removed to Knole, and the contents sorted out there. It 
may perhaps be well to consider these letters together, in this chapter, 
inasmuch as they extend over quite a short space of time, the earliest 
being dated June i6th, 1614, and the last, April 26th, 1616. The 
earliest is dated June i6th, 1614, and refers to Lady Cumberland's 
visit to London, when it was not possible for her daughter to come 
and meet her, as she explains. 

^ I am most glad to hear of your safe coming all this long journey, but will 
by no means suffer your Ladyship to take the pains to come to this house, for 
by the grace of God, I will attend your coming at Austin Friars, when your 
Ladyship shall see your nephew Russell, who had made a purpose to have 
met you out of the town, and thought to have gone in my coach, but my Lord 
hath taken it down to Lewes, so as we both are disappointed. Neither can 
I send you so much as a horse, for my Lord hath taken all with him, saving 
my litter horses. My Lady Terete [the word is not clear in the MS.] and 
many ladies will meet your Ladyship with their coaches as far as Highgate, 
where I and my cousin Russell will wish ourselves, that we might have the 
pleasure to see you as soon as any, but our hard fortunes will not permit it. 

To this holograph letter there is a postscript, in which she says 

About 3 o'clock, we will not fail to be at your house, to attend your coming 

For easier perusal we have rendered all these letters into modem spelling. Lady Anne's 
spelling and her use of capitals are at times ambiguous and bewildering. 

146 Lady Anne. 

The next letter was not dated in the original, but, some years after- 
wards, Lady Anne added a note, saying that it was written from 
London in 1615. It is a New Year's letter. She says : — 

I intended to have wrought a piece of work with my own hands, for a New 
Year's gift for your Ladyship, but this has been so troublesome a year with me, 
as I had neither leisure to work, nor do anything else, but weep and grieve, 
therefore I beseech your Ladyship to be pleased to receive these pillabers [that 
is to say, pillow-cases] as a New Year's gift, and poor remembrance of my duty 
and aSection, with my wishes of many and happy years of long life and con- 
tentment to you, and that we may both have the upper hand of our enemies, 
and have a joyful and happy meeting, and that it may be quickly, for I ever 
groan under the burden. 

The letters invariably end with a humble desire, on the part of 
Lady Anne for her mother's blessing, but in this particular instance, 
she concludes " Thus humbly desiring your blessing to me and to 
your goddaughter, I rest your Ladyship's obedient loving daughter," 
showing that Lady Cumberland was godmother to her daughter's 
eldest child, Lady Margaret. 

Following this, there is another holograph letter without a date, 
which would appear, by varioiis external circumstances, to belong 
to this period. In it she says, 

I have moved my Lord about this hundred pounds for the chain, and he willed 
me to let your Ladyship understand that, though he must borrow it himself, 
yet, if you will send him the name of the goldsmith and the sign Ithat is to say 
in all probability, a pass-word, or some method of identification] I will send to 
Lindsey to disburse the sum, and with all desires that the chain may be sold, 
either with the goldsmith's seller or yours, because Lindsey shall have the 
chain in his keeping till the money be repaid, therefore I pray your Ladyship 
send your footman with all speed, and to my Lord, that he may send directions 
to Lindsey. 

This appears to be relative to some temporary loan, for which the 
chain was perhaps to be the security. 

In January, 1615, Lady Anne was at BoUbroke, resting after the 
excitement of Christmas, and she writes to her mother to say : — 

Our great Christmas is now finished, where we have had most of the gentlemen 
in this country, and a great many down from London. I had Mrs. Matt Terete,* 

* Is this the Lady Terete mentioned in the first letter, perhaps so called in playful fashion (?). 

Lady Anne's Letters to her Mother. 147 

because her grandfather and grandmother should take it kindly, for your Lady- 
ship knows how much I have been beholden to them. My Lord and I do both 
go to London this term, where my sister Beauchamp is to lie in, so as I think 
we shall stay there all this term, and a good while after. For any composition 
between my Lord and my uncle of Cumberland, assure yourself that I will 
send your Ladyship word when there is any such thing, and whatsoever I 
know, your Ladyship shall have know it presently. I beseech you inquire how 
my uncle of Cumberland hath his health, and whether he comes abroad, for I am 
credibly told that he is sometimes besides his wits, but that his son does what 
he can to conceal it, lest his father should beggar him, for his credit is much 
decayed at the Court, because his purse is much decayed. I must needs write 
your Ladyship word that John Cadell hath two fine pups, which my Lady 
Margaret SackvUle will send you at the spring of the year, for I must needs 
tell you that they be her jewels and not mine. They shall come down with other 
quick cattle, which will be a great wonder in Westmorland. 

This was not the first reference to puppies. There were already 
two allusions to them in the Knole diary. In March, 1617, she had 
mentioned that a certain dog Couch had puppied in the morning, 
and in another place records as an event of importance the death 
of her little girl's dog " Lady Margaret's old beagle." 

Lady Anne was always interested in animals, and was careful to 
have both her favourite dog and her favourite cat represented beside 
her in the large picture at Appleby. It is of interest also to notice 
that in one of her books of accounts, she arranged, in a statement of 
the expenses of the household, that so much per day was to be allotted 
to providing food for the cat. 

Within a few days after the date of the last letter, we have another, 
acknowledging the receipt of a present from Lady Cumberland for her 
little goddaughter. 

I received your Ladyship's kind letter by Ralph, and the delicate fine little 
gloves that you have sent to your goddaughter and to her nurse, which hath 
made them both finer than ever they were. I humbly thank God, the child 
prospers and grows well, and according to your Ladyship's wonted prayers. 
She begins to break out very much upon her head, which I hope wUl make her 
very healthful. She hath yet no teeth come out, but they are most of them swelled 
in the flesh, so that now and then they make her very froward. Master Ballin- 
ford hath been with me, and tells me he hath that rich jev/el of diamonds, which 
your Ladyship was pleased to bestow upon me and the child at the christening^ 
I humbly thank your Ladyship for it, I will keep it safe, and whensoever you 
have need to use money, you shall have it for a pawn at a day's warning. 

148 Lady Anne. 

I will let Ralph or Kendall have fifty pounds that it may be paid to Mrs. Perce's 
daughter, for I hear she is a very rating paltry woman. My Lord doth grow 
much in debt, so as money is not so plentiful with me as it hath been, but what- 
soever I have, you shall be sure to know. I humbly thank you for the ofier 
of sending those letters to me which your Ladyship received out of Germany, 
but I would not have you send them, for I have letters myself often from thence. 
I received a letter by Master Bellis from your Ladyship, with many other papers 
which I will answer the next week. 

During the next month or so, Lady Anne had evidently been away, 
probably to Bath, and then returned to BoUbroke, and wrote to her 
mother, on the ist of May, 1615. It was clear that she was a little 
anxious at not having heard from her mother, for the letter had been 
following her about while she was away from home. She says: — 

I have now returned from the Bath to my own house in the country, where 
I thank God I find my little one well, though I much feared it, for I have found 
your Ladyship's words true about the nurse had for her, for she hath been one 
of the most unhealthfuUest women that I think ever was, and so extremely 
troubled with the toothache and rheums and swelling in her face as could be, 
and one night she fell very ill, and was taken like an ague, so as she had but 
little milk left, and so I was enforced to send for the next woman that was by 
to give my child suck, whom hath continued with her ever since, and I thank 
God the child agrees so well with her milk as can be, so I mean not to change 
her any more. It is a miracle to me that the child should prosper so well, con- 
sidering the change of her milk. She is but a little one, I confess, but a livelier 
and merrier thing was there never yet seen. If I durst be so bold, I would tell 
your Ladyship that I take it somewhat unkindly that you have been so long 
without writing to me, for I was never so long without a letter from you, never 
since you went into the North as now I have been. Master Worledge doth some- 
time remember me with a line or two, and so by that I hear of your welldoing, 
else I should have feared that your Ladyship had not been well, but I put no 
doubt that I shall receive letters from you by Ralph Conniston this term, 
although I shall be, I think, at London myself. 

Only a couple of days afterwards, she writes again from BoUbroke 
to her mother, because meantime the long expected letter had arrived. 

This day Master Southwick brought me a long and kind letter from your 
Ladyship, which did much rejoice my heart. He was at the Bath to look for me, 
but I was come from thence two days before his coming, and so he followed 
me to BoUbroke, which was a long and a painful journey. I perceive by your 
Ladyship's letter that you do much esteem him, and therefore I showed him 
^11 tlje kindness and favour I could, and gave him three 20s. pieces, and have 

Lady Anne's Letters to her Mother. 149 

promised him to speak to my Lord that he may be one of his chaplains, but 
I fear my request for that matter will not prevail, for my Lord hath his number 
already, and is very doubtful in having more. He told me of a fall your Ladyship 
had when you were upon the leads at Brougham, when you hurt your hand, 
and if the providence of God had not been, it would have been much worse, 
and that your Ladyship hath been something troubled with the rheum in your 
eyes. I hope these threatenings of ill will not make you out of love with West- 
morland, but rather make you believe that God will in all other things as well 
as in this, keep you from evils and never suffer your enemies to triumph over 
you. For my coming into the North, assure yourself, if it be possible for me 
to bring it to pass, I will be there, before this summer be at an end, and when 
I shall hear how this jury goes, and have spoken with Ralph Conniston, I shall 
be able to write you more certain word, for that which your Ladyship writes 
me word of about the Queen, I will follow your advice, and you need not fear 
it, for I shall be as great with her as ever. Thus desiring your Ladyship's blessing 
to me and mine, who is very well after the change of her nurse, and grows every 
day more like your Ladyship than other. 

Ten days after this, from the same place, there went another letter. 

I have not been in London all this time myself, so as Ralph could not deliver 
your Ladyship's letters to me himself, but Master Herdson came down hither 
and so brought them down to me. I perceive by one of them that your Ladyship 
did send up the keys of those places where the writings was, and it was your 
pleasure I should go with that Master Bamford and Ralph, but my not being in 
town hath stopped me from that. You will hear by your servant Ralph how 
business hath passed, and how Serjeant Hutton hath taken him up in the open 
Court, in which, in my opinion, shews more malice than wit. My Lord William 
shows himself very forward in my business, which makes me the more grieve 
at the unkindness between your Ladyship and him. I beseech your Ladyship, 
if it be possible, let it amend, and let there be love and friendship between you 
and him, as there had wont to be. For my going to the Queen, I will follow 
your Ladyship's advice as soon as I go to London, though she hath used me 
strangely. I hear that she has fallen into her old sickness again, and that her 
legs be as ill as ever. For my being with child, I can send your Ladyship no 
word of it, but assure yourself, as soon as I have the least suspicion of any such 
matter, you shall hear, for now I have had one, I shall not be so afraid to speak 
of it as I was at the first. I am most glad to hear that my cousin Clifford's 
wife was not with child, as it was confidently reported by their followers. 

It is clear from this letter that she misunderstood the position taken 
up by Lord William Howard, and that her mother, who was on the 
spot, and often saw him, had realised far more clearly that he was not 
thoroughly friendly towards her, but that he was much more disposed 

150 Lady Ann:e. 

to assist Lord Cumberland. The frequent references to him in the 
diary, prove that this was the case, and that as long as he expected 
Lord Cumberland to win, he was ready to assist him, but when 
at last he thought there was a chance of Lady Anne being 
successful, he took a different line, and then, as we have already 
noted. Lord Dorset, who was of sharper perception in this way than 
his wife, realised that he would not get so much assistance as hereto- 
fore, and started a quarrel with him. Certain documents which at 
this moment were necessary to the lawsuit, were evidently in Lady 
Cumberland's possession, and she desired her daughter to have them. 
A little later on, we learn that Lady Anne was able to make use of 
the keys that her mother sent up, and in the next letter we find 
that she returned these keys to her mother. To the letter just 
quoted, there is this postscript. 

When I was at the Bath, I wrote a letter, and sent a footman on purpose 
with it to my Cousin Fitzwarren,* to Tavistock. He wrote me a very good 
and a kind letter back again, and is better in mind and body than he hath 
been these three years, and there is some hope of his coming up to London, 
which I know your Ladyship will be glad of. He took my sending extremely 

On the loth of June, also from BoUbroke, Lady Anne wrote to her 
mother about the keys and also about a portrait of herself which had 
been painted in miniature. 


I have returned the keys of those writings which your Ladyship sent me, 
again to you, and for all the state of my business, Ralph can inform your Lady- 
ship more perfectly than I can write and how my Lord William Howard hath 
showed himself very constant to me in this business, therefore, if it was not a 
thing too much contrary to your mind, I would humbly desire your Ladyship 
to pass by those unkindnesses that heretofore have been offered you, and to 
go to see his lady, and so to give him many thanks for his favour to me. He 
hath parted with that rogue Bemond, which was once your Ladyship's man, 
so as it seems to me he is very desirous of your love and friendship, and your 
Ladyship knows Solomon himself says, " It is wisdom for a man to pass by an 
offence," but I refer it wholly to your pleasure. I have sent by Ralph my 
picture done in little,* which some says is very like me, and others say, it does 

» (?) Edward son of the Earl of Bath, and afterwards 6th Lord Fitzwarine and 4th Earl of 
* Probably the one now belonging to Lord De Clifford and illustrated here. 




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Lady Anne's Letters to her Mother. 151 

me rather wrong than flatters me. I know you will accept the shadow of her 
house, whose substance is come from yourself. I hope you will requite me 
with the same kindness, and let me have yours, whenever you come up to 
London, or soever any that can draught a picture comes into those parts where 
now you are. For my so much desired journey of coming to your Ladyship. 
I can send you no good news, for my Lord will not by any means give his consent 
that I should go, till the business between my uncle of Cumberland and him 
be ended. This necessary cares me from that I most desire. I hope God will 
make our meeting joyful, though it be long deferred, for never was there thing 
more desired of than that is by me. Lady Margaret Sackville hath sent your 
Ladyship two asses, and one of her beagles, which is John's puppy, and I hope 
he will be a good water dog. 

By November of that year Lady Anne had come up to London, and 
then, largely on account of the illness of her Uttle girl, had returned 
to Bollbroke to see the child and had come back again to town. 
She writes to her mother from Dorset House on the loth of November, 
1615, and sajTS that : — 

On the 29th of the last month I was sfent for to Bollbroke in all haste for 
the poor child was extremely ill with her teeth, and so I carried Dr. Barker 
down with me, who gave the nurse and her some things that he carried down 
with him, and I thank God she is so well amended as I could wish or desire, 
and begins to prattle and go. Last night I returned to London with all the 
whole family and the kindred of my Lord, who hath been all at Bollbroke, 
there to solemnise the funeral of that good blessed woman that is buried in 
Buckhurst church, my old Lady Somerset.^ John Scott was there amongst 
them, and often remembers your Ladyship's health by drinking to you and 
speaking of you with much commendation. For the news of the town and wonder 
of the world, this business of my Lord of Somerset and his Lady, I will forbear 
to write and leave them to the relation of this honest bearer, Mr. Clapham, 
for my eyes are still very sore and all bloodshot, pr else would I have writ your 
Ladyship a far longer letter. Master Clapham can also tell your Ladyship 
of the messages passed between John Tallner and me. My Lord is still earnest 
to press me to the finishing of this matter with my uncle of Cumberland, but 
by the power of God I will continue resolute and constant. I humbly thank 
you for the letter you have sent me by Sir John Bonner, who seems to speak 
very honestly of this business. 

Ten days after, again from London, there is a further letter to Lady 
Cxmiberland, relative to some business. 

' Perhaps the second wife of the attainted ist Duke of Somerset (?) 

152 Lady Anne. 

Now the term is almost done, and thus my Lord, as he cannot bring the bus- 
iness of my uncle of Cumberland to pass, he is desirous to go into the country, 
and stay there tUl a day or two before Christmas, which desire of his I will rather 
further than hinder, because I shall by that means see your little goddaughter, 
whom, I thank God, doth grow a very fine child. My Lord to her is a very kind, 
loving, and dear father, and in everything will I commend him, saving in this 
business of my land, wherein I think some evil spirit works, for in this he is as 
violent as is possible, so as I must either do it next term, or else break friendship 
and love with him. God look upon me and deliver me, for this last term I have 
lived in fear and terror daily, with griefs and terrors daily, which have made 
my eyes so sore as I dare not yet write much, but I must be sparing of them for 
a while. For your wise and Christian letter to the judges, I have told Ralph 
how my Lord deceived me of it, so as I wUl not write it, to spare my blind eyes. 
I fear I shall not write any more to your Ladyship until Christmas, because of 
my being in the country, therefore I crave your pardon for it. 

To this letter, which was written just at the time when a bitter 
controversy was taking place between the husband and wife, and 
when Lady Anne was grieving over the constant disputes concerning 
her lands, there is a postscript mentioning that Lieutenant Sir G. 
Elwes * W£LS that day hung at Tower Hill " for which," says she, 
" my Lady Tyrwit ' and sister Phillips is extraordinarily sorry." The 
following month Lady Anne was, as she expected, in the country, but 
was able to write to her mother. The letter is dated the 6th of 
December, and she says ; — 

I wrote you word in my last letter that the next I wrote should be longer, 
but no other things can I write you but the continuance of my Lord's earnest 
desire to take money, and to realise my right in the land, but I will do what- 
soever is to be done to change his mind, though I fear me it is impossible, and 
yet we see continually that time brings unlikely things to pass, and so I hope 
at length his mind may change, but howsoever, I beseech you neither trouble 
nor grieve yourself at it, so long as you live and are there, there is still some 
hope for me. Here hath been some speech in London that my uncle of Cumber- 
land hath been a little troubled in his senses, and that for a week or a fortnight, 
he was little better than mad, I beseech you inquire of it, and write me word, 
for I am fain to know the certainty whether there was any such thing or no. 
My Lady Bedford is become a new courtier again, and as it is thought, will 

' Sir Ger\'.ise Elwes, Lieut, of the Tower, executed for " being privy to the death of Sir 
Thomas Overburie." 

' Elizabeth daughter of Sir Edward Tyrwhitt and wife to " Gervase Elways," second son 
of Sir Gervase. 

Lady Anne's Letters to her Mother. 153 

quite leave her house and poor husband, and be a continual abider there. 
He is still weak and sick, yet the physicians say he may live this many years. 
For my cousin Fitzwarren, he is worse than ever he was, and, I think, whatsoever 
they say of him, there is little hope of his admendment, for, though Master 
Hinson be dead, yet those that are in his place are the same to my poor cousin 
if not worse, yet never a whit better. 

In this letter she requests her mother to pardon her writing, which 
she calls " scribbling," as the hour was very late, and in conclusion 
says that her little girl prospers as well as can be, " and my Lord is 
as fond of her as can be, and calls her his mistress." The last three 
letters relate to the next year. The first has not a date on it, but 
Lady Anne in later years has endorsed it with her intimation when 
it was written. It is a New Year's letter to her mother. 

I am bold to send you these poor presents as a token of the New Year, and 
withal send your Ladyship the wishes of all comforts and happinesses your 
heart can desire, that those castles at Appleby and Brougham that in themselves 
be so melancholy, may yet be places o|j joy and contentment to you, and that 
the time be not very long before we meet^-but that either some blessed occasion 
may draw you hither, or else some happy accident cause my coming into the 
North, which, if it be God's will, I should be inost glad of. 

Then a few days afterwards, January 20th, 1616, a further letter 
is sent. 

The time draws on apace, and my Lord is more and more earnest with me 
to make a final end of this business of my uncle of Cumberland, and persists 
that, if I do it not, he will go into France and leave me, so that I am now in 
a narrow strait, and know not which way to turn myself. My Cousin Russell 
would have me do it, and uses all the persuasion he can to that end. He hath 
sent you a letter to that purpose, which he desired me to send with mine. 
I beseech you send me an answer with all speed you can, for I shall be earnestly 
pressed to do it, or else absolutely to deny it, which will make such a breach 
between my Lord and me, as will not easily be mended. I will do nothing 
without your Ladyship's knowledge, therefore I beseech you, let me know 
your resolution as soon as possibly you may. We have a changing world here, 
and I hope for the better, for my worthy Lady of Shrewsbury ^ is come out 
of the Tower, and hath her full liberty. My Lord of Pembroke is Lord Cham- 
berlain. Sir George Villiers ° is Master of the Horse, and my Lord of Worcester " 

8 Widow of Gilbert, seventh Earl, imprisoned on siLspicion of having connived at the flight 
of her niece Arbeila Stuart . 

' Sir Geo. Villiers of Brokesby, afterwards Lord WhaddoD, Viscount Villiers, Earl, Marquess 
and eventually Duke, of Buckingham. 

" Edward, 4th Earl, K.G., Privy Seal 1616-1628. 

154 Lady Anne. 

is Lord Privy Seal, with a pension of fifteen hundred pounds a year. My Lady 
of Efiingham " desires her love and service to be remembered to your Ladyship, 
and now her husband is dead she is like to have suits in Law, for the rights of 
her daughter my cousin, Bess Howard, she doth resemble you in fortune as 
well as in blood. 

Then to this letter she adds the postscript which I have already 

I was lately at Chenies, my Lord of Bedford's house, with my cousin Russell, 
to see the tomb which I have made of my own charges for my dear cousin Frances 

The last of the letters was written from Knole the 26th of 
April, 1616. 

I received a little letter from you, but yet full of comfort, because it brings 
me word that you are much better than you were, for I assure you that there 
can be no more comfortable news in this world to my uncle Cumberland and 
his party than to hear of your being sick, or of the least hope of death, which 
is the thing they much gape after, but I hope they shall never live to see. It is 
true that they have brought their matters so about that I am in the greatest 
strait that ever poor creature was, but [she adds, with thai pathetic affection 
for her husband which she retained through her life} whatsoever you may 
think of my Lord, I have found him, do find him, and think I shall find him, 
the best, and most worthy man that ever breathed, therefore, if it be possible, 
I beseech you, have a better opinion of him, if you knew all I do, I am sure 
you would believe this that I write, but I durst not impart my mind about 
when I was with you, because I found you so bitter against him, or else I could 
have told you so many arguments of his goodness and worth, that you should 
have seen it plainly yourself. My child, your little self, is well, 1 thank God, 
and often looks at the fine jewel you sent her {referred to in an earlier letter'], 
I pray your Ladyship, let me hear from you as often as you can, and so shall 
you from me. Be assured that I will stand as constantly to my birthright 
as is possible for me, but I can do no more than I can, therefore I can promise 
you no certainty of these matters. God assist me, and uphold my cause, to 
His holy protection I leave both your Ladyship and myself. 

All these letters are holograph, and as a rule are carefully written, 
but in one or two instances where Lady Anne says that her sight was 
bad, there is evidence of this in the handwriting. They are all tied 
up with ribbon, and sealed, but the seals are not alwa)^ the same. 

•^ Lady Margaret Stewart, daughter of James, Earl of Moray, and second wife of Charles, 
Lord Howard of Effingham. 

Lady Anne's Letters to her Mother. 155 

In some instances, she used the crest of the Cliffords, Eark of Cumber- 
land, from a crest coronet, a demi-dragon with wings addorsed, and this 
crest is placed in a lozenge, and so was evidently intended for a lady's 
use, and perhaps had been engraved before her marriage with Lord 
Dorset. Other of the letters are sealed with one of the crests of 
the SackviUe family, which the Earls of Dorset at that time used, 
deriving it from the supporters granted to their arms on their being 
raised to the peerage, a leopard, rampant argent, armed and langued 
gules, and above this crest appears the earl's coronet. Others bear 
the wyvern of the Earls of Cumberland, but not set in a diamond, 
and these appear to have been sealed with a seal that must have 
belonged to her father, while one amongst the mmaber bears a fanciful 
device on the seal, a winged hare. 

The only other letter which belongs to this period of her first marriage 
is a touching one addressed to Lady Anne by Lord Dorset, written 
from Dorset House on the 13th of May, 1622. It is perhaps undesirable 
to quote this letter in fuU, as it is written with the extraordinary 
frankness of phraseology that was common in those da}^, but the 
greater part of it reads thus ; — 

Sweet Love, 

The news you sent me was the best that you could send, or I could have. 
I send you Mrs. Lindsey as you desire [probably a servant or personal attendant]^ 
the half-year's allowance for my Lady Margaret, your hundred pounds, and 
Mr. Marsh, as soon as he can be found, shall be sent, and it is twenty to one 
I will not forswear coming to you ere it shall be long. God bless you and my 

Lady Margaret Farewell. 

Your very loving husband, 
(Signed) Richard Dorset. 




IT may be well to give the brief account of Lady Anne's widowhood 
in her own words. " I lived " she says, " Widdow to this Noble 
Richard Sackville, Earleof Dorsett about sixe yeares, two monthes 
and fower or five dales over. Most part of which time I lived with 
my two Daughters, either in Cheynie Howse in Buckingham^re, 
the Chiefe seat of my Mother's ffather and grandfather, or in Boll- 
broke House in Sussex, my chiefe Jojmture Howse, or at London, 
in severall hyred Howses there, as in Tuttle [Tothill] Streete Howse 
in Westminster, and in St. Bartholomewes in a Howse there, which 
was auntientlie part of the Pryorie and besides for a while, I and my 
eldest Daughter lay togeather in Woburne Howse in Bedfordshire, 
the August after her ffather's death, in which Howse died my Grand- 
mother of Bedford. 

I must not forgett, but acknowledge with much thanckfullness to 
God, how in May, alittle after my first Lord's death, in Knole howse 
in Kent, the month before I went from thence to Live at Cheynes, 
I had the smallpoxe so extremelie and violently that I was a^ 
deathes Doore and Little hope of life in mee. Which Infection I 
tooke of my eldest childe who had had it there in great extremitie 
some twelve dales after her Father was buryed. Which disease did 
so matter my face, that it Confirmed more and more my mynd never 
to marrie againe. Though the providence of God caused mee after- 
wards to alter that resolution. 

And just a year after the Deathe of my first Lord, Dyed King James, 
I then lyeing in Cheynie Howse in Buckinghamshire with both my 
Daughters, from whence I and my two children removed to Bollbroke 
House in Sussex to live there for a good while. Where I must not 


Reckon it, amongst the least of God's goodness and deliverances to 
mee That on the sixt day of May in one Thowsand sixe hundred and 
twentie-sixe, When I had then newly received my Ladie-Daie Rents, 
and had some mony in the House before, I scaped myraculouslie by 
God's Providence an attempt of my Enemyes to have robbed mee. 
Besides the extreme fright it would have putt mee to, had it not bene 
timely recovered and prevented, by one who accidentallie saw them 
enter in at the window, and it was thought to have bene plotted by 
a great man, then my extreame Enemy. But God deHvered me. 

In August one Thowsand sixe hundred twentie-eight, were the 
first claimes made by waie of Law and Advise of CounseU after the 
Awards before-mentioned to mayntaine my right in the Landes of 
my inheritance, in Craven and Westmorland, I then lying with both 
my Daughters in Cheynie House in Buckinghamshire. Which claims 
are entered in this my Booke of Records of my time. 

The one and twentieth of Aprill in one thousand sixe hundred and 
twentie njme, in the Church of St. Bartholomew, had I the happiness 
to see my oldest Daughter marryed to John, Lord Tufton. There 
being present at the said Marriage my selfe and my youngest daughter, 
and the sayd Lord Tufton's Father and Mother, and my worthie 
Cozen German Francis RusseU, after Earle of Bedford (who gave her 
in marriage) and manie others. This John, Lord Tufton, came to 
be Earle of Thanett about two years and two monthes and some 
Fowrtene dales after his marriage with my Daughter, by the death 
of his Father Nicholas, Earle of Thanett. Which Daughter of myne 
hath now by her sayd Lord tenne Children all living, sixe sonnes and 
fowr daughters. So as God made Her a fruitful Mother, according 
to the prayers of my Blessed Mother." 

This is all Lady Anne teUs us of her widowed hfe. Little Lady 
Margaret was only ten years old when she had this terrible attack 
of smallpox. We know from other sources that her mother nursed 
her most anxiously for many weeks, and did not take the infection 
until the child was out of danger, when she herself was so seriously ill 
that there was hardly any hope of her recovery. As soon as it was 
possible, she left Knole, retiring, as she tells us, into the country with 
her two Uttle girls, and for many years lived a quiet life. Her brother- 
in-law had succeeded to the Dorset title and estates, and was an 
extremely popular man at Court, both with King James and King 

158 Lady Anne. 

Charles. Whether or not he was responsible for the robbery to which 
she refers it is impossible to say, but one would be disposed to think 
that it was not so, and that it was merely an ordinary attempt at 
theft. Lady Anne was always so prejudiced against Sir Edward 
Sackville that it is easy to understand how she should attribute this 
further trouble to his agency. She knew also that for some years 
he was short of money, due to the extravagance of his brother, and 
that the rents -she had received would have come in conveniently for 
his purpose. 

She speaks in terms of great joy of her daughter's wedding. Lady 
Margaret was a youthful bride, as she was not yet fifteen when she 
was married, and her bridegroom was only twenty. Lord Thanet 
had come of an old and important Sussex family, the Tuftons of 
Rainham, but their honours had only been of recent date. The first 
earl was knighted on the accession of King James in 1603. In 1626 
he was created first Baron Tufton of Tufton in Sussex, and two years 
later, only a few months before the marriage of his son, he became 
the first Earl of Thanet. His wife was Lady Frances Cecil, daughter 
of the Earl of Exeter. Lord Thanet died, as Lady Anne records, 
in 1632, but his wife Hved for some years afterwards, as her death did 
not occur till 1658. The marriage appears to have proved a happy 
one, and as we shall see further on, there are constant references to 
Lord and Lady Thanet in Lady Anne's diary, and to their children, 
notably to one of them, John Tufton, afterwards fourth earl and six- 
teenth Lord Clifford, who was evidently a particular favourite with 
his grandmother. The family was, as Lady Anne mentions, a large 
one. It may be weU, perhaps, in this place, to refer briefly to it, 
more complete details being found in the pedigree annexed to this 

The eldest son was Nicholas, who was bom at Bollbroke in 1631, 
and who eventually succeeded his father as third Earl and fifteenth 
Lord Clifford. He married in 1664, Lady Elizabeth Boyle, daughter 
to the Earl of Burlington and Cork, and he died in 1679, she surviving 
him till* 1725. The second was Anne, who was born at her grand- 
mother's residence, Wilton House, on the 4th September, 1634, but 
she died on the 5th of October following, having been unfortunately 
" overlaid by her nurse." The third was Margaret, who was born 
at the Thanet residence, Hothfield in Kent, in 1636. She married 


in 1653, George, afterwards third Lord Coventry, and had a family 
of five children. The fourth was John, who was bom at Wilton in 
1638, and who, owing to the fact that his elder brother Nicholas had 
no family, succeeded him as fourth Earl and sixteenth Lord CUfford. 
There are many references in the diary to the visits he paid to his 
grandmother. He died in 1680 without issue. He was succeeded in 
the earldom by the fifth child, Richard, who was bom in London 
at Thanet House in 1640, and on the death of his brother became 
fifth Earl and seventeenth Lord CUfford. He too died unmarried in 
1683. Then came a daughter Frances, born in 1642. She married 
in 1664 Henry Drax of Boston, and died in the same year in childbirth. 
The next child was Thomas, who was two years her junior, and he 
also succeeded to the earldom of Thanet, his three elder brothers having 
left no issue. In 1683 he became sixth Earl and eighteenth Lord 
Clifford. The following year he married Lady Katherine Cavendish, 
the daughter of Henry, first Duke of Newcastle, and he died in 1729, 
and was succeeded in the earldom, by his nephew. The eighth was 
Sackville, who was bom at Hothfield in 1646, was a Colonel in the army, 
and married in 1686, Elizabeth the daughter of Ralph Wilbraham. She 
died in 1714, and he in 1721, while his brother Thomas was Earl of 
Thanet, and the successor was his eldest son Sackville, who succeeded 
eight years afterwards. Then there came a daughter, Cecily, born 
in 1648. She w£is the first wife of Christopher first Viscount Hatton, 
and died in 1675. The next child was George, who was never 
married. He was bom in 1650, and died at the age of twenty of a 
wound received in war in Germany. The two youngest children were 
Mar^^ who was bom in 1652, and Anne, who was born in 1654. The 
first-named married in 1670 Sir WUliam Walter, and died three years 
afterwards, and the second married Sir Samuel Grimston in 1673, 
and had one child, who lived but a year. Lady Mary Walter had three 
children, who all died in infancy. Lady Cecily had also three children 
two of whom died in infancy, but the eldest, Anne, lived and married 
Daniel, Earl of Nottingham and Winchelsea. 

The succession of the Earls of Thanet by one brother after another 
is rather a curious circumstance, because it happened twice in the 
history of that earldom, for the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth Earls 
were all brothers, and the ninth, tenth and eleventh Earls were also 
brothers, the eleventh being the last Earl of Thanet. 




IF we remember the difficulties that Lady Anne went through with 
her first husband, their constant disagreements, and the anxiety 
that she had by reason of his action concerning her estates, it 
seems curious that she should have ventured a second time into the 
bond of matrimony. Moreover, she herself had said that her face 
had been so " martered " by the attack of virulent smallpox that she 
was confirmed more and more in her mind that " she never would 
marry again," and then, as if to increase all our bewilderment, she 
selected for her second husband a man who was already well-known 
about Court as being violent and contemptible, indeed almost crazy, 
contemptuous of all culture, careless and cross, false, cruel and 
cowardly, one in every respect utterly unlike her first husband, and 
with hardly a grace to recommend him, save in his appearance. 
He was a person whose conduct was outrageous, a man of violent 
passion and foul-mouthed, one who had already excited great dislike, 
and who was to develope in later days as a weak and almost fraudulent 
turncoat, and to die amidst almost universal execration. 

No doubt Lady Anne herself was an attractive personality. She 
was not yet forty, and was therefore in the prime of her life. She was 
possessed of a substantial jointure from her husband, and a certain 
amount of money, although we do not know how much ; in her own 
right. She had in addition the possibiUty of succeeding in reversion 
to considerable estates, although this possibility was a remote one, 
by reason of the youth of her cousin. Lord CUfford. She had probably 
exaggerated the effect of the small pox, for if the portraits which 
Vandyck was to paint of her, and if the miniature which also repre- 
sented her at this period of her life, speak with any degree of veracity, 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. i6i 

she was certainly a handsome woman. She was, as we know from a 
curious piece of evidence which will be referred to in a later chapter, 
a person of extremely short stature (4 ft. loin. only) but must have 
been possessed of a considerable dignity of carriage, which partly 
made up for her lack of height. She belonged, of course, to the 
great family of the Cliffords, and had numerous relatives and friends 
occupying important positions at Court. Surely, however, she must 
have known something of the personal character of the man whom 
she was about to marry, for she had met him as Earl of Montgomery 
many times, had taken part in various masques with him, and had 
been associated at Court with him and with his first wife, on many 
occasions. It may be that she was carried away by his own personal 
attractions, which undoubtedly were considerable ; or by a certain 
blunt honesty, which his coarse language seemed to set forth ; or 
perhaps swept off her feet by passionate protestations on his part, 
that she was inclined to beUeve were true and sincere. We can- 
not tell. Suffice it that she married him, that for a while she 
was infatuated with him, and that she considered herself wholly to 
blame in the matter, and exonerated him from any condemnation 
in connection with this strange marriage. 

To her friends, the marriage appears to have been as mysterious 
as it is to us at the present day. There are many references to it, 
and all of them speak in terms of surprise. The general opinion 
seems to have been that she rather exaggerated her own want of 
attraction and her poverty, and that her jointure from Lord Dorset 
was larger than she was inclined to announce, that the money to 
which she had succeeded from her mother, and the legacy which she 
had received from her father, were all properly secured, and further- 
more that she had been thrifty in the management of the income 
derived from aU these several amounts. Both her daughters had 
received substantial portions from their father, so that, although he 
had charged the estates to a considerable amount, and had wasted 
all the ready money that was available, yet there must have been 
at his death a larger fortune than some of the chroniclers are 
incHned to accept. It is of course possible, and perhaps almost 
probable, that a portion at least of the money paid by the Earl of 
Cumberland to Lord Dorset, had been settled upon the daughters, 


i62 Lady Anne. 

but in any case, it is clear from their father's will, that they did have 
substantial portions, and that being so, it is reasonable to assume 
that the widow's jointure was equally substantial. 

If we wonder at Lady Anne, we may also question, why did Lord 
Pembroke choose a person so antithetical in every way to himself? 
She was studious and bookish, he cared nothing whatever for study ; 
she was devout, and he irreligious ; she was stately, solemn, grave ; 
he was flippant, cared little for anjrthing but horses and dogs, and 
neither his moral character nor his language would bear scrutiny. 
However, so it was. It has been suggested that " the very remoteness 
of the quarry, the difficulty of the quest, and the unusual character 
of the triumph, may have stimulated the jaded fancy of the most 
dissolute wastrel of the Court." Possibly, however, there was another 
reason on her part to which we have not yet made allusion. There 
was perhaps some strong attempt being made or being planned, 
with regard to her property and person, and it was thought to 
have a good measure of success, because she at whom it was aimed 
was an unprotected widow. It would seem likely that one of the 
reasons why Lady Anne married for the second time was that she 
might have a protector, a person high in influence at Court, one whom 
it would not be easy to attack, and that she might thereby attain 
a position that was unassailable, and a husband whom she fain hoped 
would be valiant enough to take her part, and to discomfit her enemies. 
She practically says as much in the summary of her diary. She there 
speaks of him as one of the greatest and noblest subjects of the king, 
and she says " This second marriage of myne was wonderfullie brought 
to pass by the providence of God for the Crossing and disappo5mting 
the envie Malice and sinister practices of my Enemyes." In another 
place, where she is referring to her iUness, and to her intention not 
to marry for a second time, she distinctly states " The providence 
of God caused me thus to alter the resolution." As usual firmly 
attached to the idea that aU the events of her life were over-ruled by 
Divine Providence, she believed, with undoubted sincerity, that this 
second strange and even anomalous marriage, was a part of the Divine 
scheme for her protection, and for the frustration of the evil designs 
of her enemies. There is no doubt that in her mind, one of these 
enemies, and perhaps the most bitter of them all, was her brother-in- 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage, 163 

law, now Lord Dorset. It seems indeed likely that, finding himself 
in difficulties with regard to the endowments that his brother had 
commenced to set apart for Sackville College, he had aims upon the 
lands of her jointure. Their father had left it as a definite instruction 
in his wiU that Sackville College was to be founded, and that the 
endowment was to be a substantial one. It is clear, from references 
to which we have already aUuded, that Lord Dorset had not only 
commenced the building, but had set the lawyers to work with regard 
to the endowment, so as to carry out the clauses under his father's 
wiU. He did not, however, live to carry out his intention, and his 
estate was burdened and involved by reason of the plans he had 
made. Reading between the lines, we cannot help thinking that 
this surmise is correct, and that the new Lord Dorset would gladly 
have seized upon the lands in Sussex which his brother had left to 
the widow whom he had always disliked and distrusted; and con- 
verted them into the endowments for Sackville College (or at 
least into a part of them) and so relieved himself of aU further 
necessity with reference to this troublesome bequest. He was 
probably not her only opponent, however, because there is distinct 
evidence that Henry, Lord Clifford, was still anxious to break the 
reversionary clause which had appeared in his uncle's will, and to 
bequeath the greater part of the estates to his own daughter. He did 
manage, in some mysterious fashion, to cut off a part of the property, 
but even in this, he was reckoning without his host, because the 
part of the estate which he fondly believed he had cut off, and which 
would at his decease descend to Lady Cork, that of Barden Tower, 
she did not obtain at his death, nor so long as Lady Anne lived ; for 
not only did Lady Anne seize upon it as part of the property which 
had undoubtedly been entailed to her by the old entail created before 
her father's time, but she retained this possession, spent money upon 
the estate, restored the castle and Uved in it, and actually went so 
far as to bequeath it to one of her daughters. It was a very difficult 
thing, as all her opponents found out in time, to deal with this deter- 
mined lady, who was uncompromising in the efforts she made with 
regard to the great CUfford inheritance she valued so highly. 

The second marriage took place in the church at Chenies, on the 
1st of June, 1630, and Lady Anne, with the love of recognising co- 

i64 Lady Anne. 

incidences to which we have already referred, says " Methinks that 
it is remarkable that I should be the second time marryed in that 
church of Cheynis in the Vault whereof lye interred my Greate-grand- 
father and Grandfather of Bedford and their wyves, Auncestors toe 
my Blessed Mother, as also her sonne the Lord Robert Clifford, and 
her elder sister, Anne, Countess Dowager of Warrwick, their Heire 
the Ladie Frances Bourgher, Daughter to the Earle of Bathe by their 
sister Elizabeth, Countess of Bathe and their nephew Edward Bassett, 
third Earle of Bedford, who died without issue." 

We stood recently in the old church at Chenies, at the place where 
she must have been married, but there is little remaining at which 
she could have looked on this memorable occasion. There is still, 
fortunately, a small piece of fifteenth century stained glass which 
formed part of the window behind the altar, and which belongs to the 
old church, and must have been there in her time, and there are at 
the west end, the brasses of the Sapcote family from whom the first 
Countess of Bedford acquired the estate, and those of the Cheynes. 
The church, however, has been so restored, and so altered and 
changed in this restoration, that it can hardly be deemed to be the 
same building as that in which Lady Anne was married. She must 
however, have seen, close at hand, on her left as she stood at the altar 
rails, the tombs of her great Russell ancestors, especially that magni- 
ficent one, of the first Earl and Countess of Bedford, who, in the early 
part of Queen Mary's reign, were buried in the chapel which the 
Countess herself had founded on her own estate, and which still remains, 
a unique place of sepulture in England, containing one of the grandest 
series of tombs of which any family can boast, a group impressive 
in its magnificence, and in the honour and dignity of the persons 
whom it commemorates. Of the house where she was then residrag, 
a comparatively small portion still remains. The chimneys of one 
wing are undoubtedly of her period, and are beautiful in almost 
every respect. The great ivy tree that clings to one wall, and the 
wall to which it is attached, probably form part of the house as it 
was in her time, but a large portion of the building has been altered, 
and although the residence of an influential person connected with 
the Duke of Bedford's estate, it has lost its dignity as a family seat. 
The view, however, of the rear portion, especially of the roof, windows 


To face page 165. 

WiihiCk Ahhcy. 

afterwards Countess of Thaiiet. 

WMcck Abbey. 

1666 — 1712 (seepage 442) 

HI )LLI!I<()< IKE 
(see page 156). 

(see page 112). 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 165 

and chimnejrs of that part, is impressive, and shows us that the 
original building in Lady Anne's time, which is said to have been 
built in the shape of an " E," must have been a large and magnificent 
abode, striking in many respects, and worthy of special notice. 

Lady Aime's new husband had quite recently become Earl of 
Pembroke. She had known him in the old days as Earl of Mont- 
gomery, but his elder brother had died, and he had succeeded to the 
senior title. He was the younger son of Henry, the second earl, by 
his third wife, Mary, who was the devoted sister of Sir Philip Sidney, 
and from his mother's brother, he probably derived his Christian 
name. His mother was a person of note, as the sister of Sir Philip 
Sidney ^ could hardly fail to be. She was a well educated and highly 
cultivated woman, and gave up a considerable amount of time to 
literary study. She was the real founder of the library at Wilton, 
and many men of letters of her period owe to the Countess of Pembroke 
considerable gratitude for protection and for encouragement. She 
revised and first published her brother's " Arcadia," and she also 
completed at Wilton on May 15th, 1590 " The Discourse of Life and 
Death " by Plessis du Mornay, published in 1592, which became in 
later years one of Lady Anne's favourite books,* Furthermore she 
prepared for the press, but did not publish, a metrical version of the 
Psalms, upon which she and her brother had been at work for many 
years. Spenser dedicated to her his " Ruines of Time " (circa 1590), 
Gabriel Harvey praised her translation of du Momay's works in no 
measured terms.* John Davies of Hereford acknowledged her help 
in his Wittes Pilgrimage.* Dr. Donne highly commended her trans- 
lation of the Psalms. Ben Jonson's Epigram addressed to the 
Honoured Countess, is a panegyric upon her, and John Taylor, in his 
" The Needle's Excellency " 1640 ^ commended her skiU in stitchwork, 
and her wonderful success in tapestry.* No one owed more to her 

* "The subject of all verse, 

Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother." 
8 See B.M., C. sjd. i6, and 1076b 3- 
' Vide — A new letter of Notable Contents, 1593 Grosart, i, 276, B.M. iz268g. 

* C 14 a 5 (I)- C 1x550-1610, B.M. 6 B.M., C $;[ h 30. 

* Vide Brydges Censura literaiia, B.M. 1087, fg-iz, 1805-9 ; — 

Brave Wiltou House in Wiltshire well can show 

Her admirable works in arras framed 

Where men and beasts, scene like trees, seem to grow 

i66 Lady Anne. 

encouragement than did Samuel Daniel, who had been Lady Anne's 
tutor, but who, many years before he went to Skipton, had been 
residing at Wilton £is tutor to William, afterwards third Earl of Pem- 
broke, and had carried out some of his best literary work in that 
house.' Her two sons, William and Philip were at first disposed to 
share her literary tastes, and they were the " incomparable pair of 
brethren " to whom the first folio of Shakespeare's works was 
dedicated. They knew Shakespeare in his professional capacity of 
king's servant, or superintendent of James I's company of actors, 
and they were amongst his patrons, although, as has been pointed out, 
there is no special evidence that Lord Pembroke came into any direct 
personal relations with the poet, or was his particular patron. Both 
brothers appear to have encouraged and assisted Ben Jonson. Both 
of them also appear to have helped Inigo Jones, who is said to have 
visited Italy at the elder brother's expense, and it was to this elder 
brother that Chapman inscribed a sonnet, and that Davison in 1601 
dedicated his Poetical Rhapsody. Both brothers matriculated at 
New College. Oxford, but it was the elder who inherited the greater 
share of his mother's and his imcle's literary instincts, while the younger 
one speedily feU away from all such activities, and developed in quite 
another direction. 

He seems to have remained in the University a very short time, 
and then, in early youth, there was a report at the Court that 
he was a suitor for the hand of Mary Herbert, daughter and heir of 
Sir WUliam Herbert of St. Julian's. This proposal, however, was 
never carried into effect, and the lady married a kinsman of Lord 
Pembroke's, Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury. A short time after 
that, there was a suggestion that he should marry a royal ward, the 
daughter of Sir Arthur Gorges, and it is said that his father went so 
far as to offer the Queen five thousand pounds, if she would allow 
this marriage to take place. The Sidney papers expressly record that 
Lord Pembroke had offered " five thousand pounds in money and 
jewels for the permission," under date loth of May, 1600, but on the 

And art (surpass* by nature) seems ashamed 

She wrought so well in Needle worke that she 
Nor yet her workes shall 'ere forgotten be. 
' He was a liceacei of plays in Shakespeare's time. 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 167 

31st of the same month there is a further entry to the effect that this 
marriage was not to take place, and that the girl was intended for 
" my Lord Howard's son." After what the records describe as " long 
love and many changes " he was, in October, 1604, " privately con- 
tracted to my Lady Susan (Vere, third daughter of Edward, seven- 
teenth Earl of Oxford), without the knowledge of his or her friends," 
and the wedding was celebrated with great state and magnificence 
at Whitehall on the 27th of December in the same year. Mr. Cham- 
berlayne, writing to Mr. Winwood,* from London, on the i8th Dec- 
ember, 1604, refers to the great preparation that was then being made 
at the Cockpit " to entertain the King," and also the plans that had 
been proposed for " a masque and revels, against the marriage of 
Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere," and Sir Dudley Carleton, 
writing to Mr. Winwood in January of the following year, speaks 
about the ceremony, saying that all the honour that could be done 
was done for " a great favourite," that " the Court was great," and that 
all the persons upon that occasion put on their " best bravery," that 
the Ambassador of Venice was present, and that there was a difficulty 
with regard to his precedence which he himself much resented, and in 
consequence of which he left before supper, and that the King gave 
the bride away, and the Queen and the Prince were present at the 
ceremony. He also goes on to describe the masque in the hall after- 
wards, and says that in the dancing there was " no small loss that 
lUght of chaines and Jewells." The presents, he says, given by various 
noblemen, friends of Lord Pembroke, were valued at two thousand five 
hundred pounds, but the King was also a great benefactor, for he gave 
to the bride some land worth five hundred a year, and to the bride- 
groom, property that wotdd bring him in an income of a thousand 
a year. Sir Philip was an exceedingly handsome man, and universally 
acknowledged to be one of the chief of the royal favourites. Clarendon 
says that it was " the comeliness of his person," and his passion for 
hunting and field sports which rendered him " the first which drew 
the King's eyes towards him with affection," but he adds that " he 
pretended to no other qualifications than to understand dogs and 
horses very well." Rowland Whyte, a letter of whose, addressed to 
Lord Shrewsbury is quoted in the stately volumes on the Wilton 

•Win wood's Memoirs, vol. ii. 

i68 Lady Anne. 

House pictures, in describing Sir Philip, writes as follows, " The yonug 
worthy Sir Philip, grows great in his Majesty's favour, and carries 
it without envy, for he is very humble to the great Lords, and desirous 
to do all men good, and hurtes no man." This is a particularly 
favourable view of him, and does not tally with the opinion that other 
of his contemporaries entertained. He was certainly successful in 
out of door sports, because there were old lines frequently re-quoted 
respecting him, as foUows : — 

The Herberts, every Cockepitt day 

Doe carry away 
The gold and glory of the day. 

He was, however, a hot-tempered man, and appears, according to 
various records, to have had constant quarrels. We learn of a quarrel 
at Croydon races with William Ramsay, one of the King's pages, ia 
which he was horsewhipped and " nothing was spilt " says an eye 
witness, " but the reputation of a gentleman," of a quarrel with 
Lord Northampton at a game of tennis, and of a stiU more violent 
dispute with Lord Howard-de-Walden on the way down to Scotland 
with King James, but notwithstanding all these he remained the 
King's particular favourite, and received a long series of honours at 
the hands of his Sovereign. He was a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber 
in 1603, and in the same year a Knight of the Bath. A couple of years 
after, he was made a Gentleman of the Bedchamber. For a while, 
he sat in the House of Cormnons as the member for Glamorganshire, 
but in May, 1605, he was created Earl of Montgomery and a year or 
so after that, the King took possession of the Castle of Montgomery, 
which belonged to Lord Herbert of Cherbury, and bestowed it upon 
his favourite, while the actual owner had to redeem it from his kins- 
man on payment of a considerable sum of money later on. The 
Earl was frequently in receipt of gifts of land and emoluments from 
the King, and spent money freely in aU directions. He was elevated 
to the Order of the Garter in 1608, became High Steward of Oxford 
University in 1615, Keeper of Westminster Palace and St. James's 
Park in 1617, Lord Lieutenant of Kent in 1623-4, ^-^d in the next 
year was sworn of the Privy Council. He was specially commended 
by King James to his successor as worthy of his favourable notice. 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 169 

and in the first month of the new reign, was despatched to Pans as 
one of the group of high ofiicials who were to conduct the Princess 
Henrietta Maria to England. He bore the spurs at King Charles' 
coronation in 1625, and in the following year succeeded his brother 
as Lord Chamberlain of the Household. In 1630 occurred the death 
of his brother WiUiam, and he then became the fourth Earl of Pem- 
broke, and at the same time stepped into his brother's place as Lord 
Warden of Starmaries, a position which he is said to have used with 
great severity, oppressing the people of Cornwall and Devonshire, 
according to Lord Clarendon, " with great fury and passion." He was 
already High Steward of Oxford, but desired in addition to be 
Chancellor of the University. There was, however, in the University, 
a party led by Archbishop Laud, strongly antagonistic to him, and 
Laud finally was elected to the ofiice of Chancellor by a small majority. 
Lord Pembroke gave considerable attention to his great house at 
Wilton, spent large sums upon it, and entertained the King there 
on several occasions with great state, but his hot temper, and his 
sullen and coarse manners, made him nimierous enemies at Court, 
and he was always the object of a strong dishke on the part of the 
Queen, who never overcame her original repugnance towards him. In 
1634, there was a serious quarrel between him and Thomas May, the 
King's private secretary, and afterwards the historiographer for the 
Parhament ; occurring at a mtisque at Whitehall, which he had at- 
tended in his ofiicial capacity as Lord Chamberlain. It would appear 
that in the crowd the unfortunate secretary had been pushed against 
this high official, who, instantly losing his temper, turned roimd and 
struck May so harshly over the shoulders that his staff of office 
broke in his hand. A violent scene ensued. The King and Queen 
were both present, and it was actually Lord Pembroke's place to 
keep order whereas he himself had been, so contemporary records 
of the day teU us ; the aggressor. There was strong feeling excited. 
The Lord Chamberlain was promptly reprimanded by King Charles, 
expressed himself contrite, and the next day, had to apologise to 
May in very abject terms, and ventured to offer to the secretary a 
gift of fifty gold pieces as an expression of his regret. 
In 1641 a still more serious outbreak took place against Lord 

' Henry, second son of Thomas, Eail of Arundel and afterwards third earl. 


Lady Anne. 

Maltravers,® son of the Earl of Arundel, which occurred when both of 
them were attending a Conunittee of the House of Lords. Tanner " 
speaks of it in quaint terms. Lord Pembroke was again Lord 
Chamberlain. " There was a controversy," says the MS., " between 
ye Lord Chamberlayne and ye Lord Matravers, ye Lord Matravers 
gave my Lord Chamberlajme ye Lye, wherupon he strucke Matravers 
over ye head with his staffe. Then ye Lord Matravers took up a 
Standish and threw at ye Lord Chamberlayne. This moved so great 
a Stirre jrt ye Committee did rise, compla57nt was made to His Majesty, 
and on Monday ye Upperhouse committed y™ both to ye Tower." 
To this account Clarendon adds further particulars, and says that the 
King, "taking advantage of this miscarriage," and having been long 
incensed by the " passionate, indiscreet, and insolent carriage " of 
the Earl, confined him a prisoner in the Tower for 8 days and then 
sent to him " by a Gentleman Usher for his Staff, and, within two or 
three days after, bestowed it upon the Earl of Essex." This was the 
begiiming of an entire change of affairs. Lord Pembroke was bitterly 
indignant at the opposition of the Queen and at the action of the King. 
His sympathies had always been to a great extent with the Parliament , 
and now, urged by pique, by resentment, and by the flattery of the 
Parliamentarians, added to what Lord Clarendon calls " a cowardly 
fear that the Royahsts were a losing party," and the persuasion of 
his personal friend Lord Saye,^^ he threw in his lot with those who 
were opposing the Throne. For a while he tried to steer both sides 
of the way, sent assurances of his loyalty to King Charles, and tried 
to obtain the position of Lord Steward. Then he joined the Com- 
mission of Public Safety, and a ParUamentary Ordinance appointed 
him Governor of the Isle of Wight. Later on, in 1643, he became 
one of the Commissioners sent by Parliament to the King at Oxford 
with proposals for peace, and then definitely threw all his influence 
on the Parliamentary side, spoke of those who had been his own 
companions at Court in disgraceful terms, and so flattered the heads 
of the Parliamentary party that they nominated him Lord Lieutenant 
of Somerset, made him a Commissioner of the Admiralty, and even 

10 Tanner MSS., 66, fol. no. 

"■ William 8th Bacon and ist Viscount, eventually one of the Commissioners of the Public 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 171 

seriously discussed the desirability of his being elevated to a Dukedom. 
Meantime, he had won the position which he had coveted at Oxford. 
Laud was a prisoner in the Tower, and had resigned the Chancellorship. 
Lord Pembroke succeeded him, and gave such evidence of his 
sjnnpathy with the Parliamentary party that he assured the University 
on one occasion that its safety would be certain if the cavaliers 
were dismissed and all delinquents yielded up to Parliament. He 
only held the honour for a few years, being superseded later on 
by the Marquis of Hertford, but in 1647 he was back again, for the 
Parliament had issued a special ordinance for his restoration, and 
Oxford suffered very severely under his influence, and from his bitter 
tongue.12 By one author of the period he was described as being 
" eloquent in swearing," and suitable to " preside over Bedlam," 
by another he was told that he would make " an excellent Chancellor " 
if only " Oxford could have been turned into a kennel of hounds," 
and Butler in his bitter satire says that he 

Ne'er with God or Man kept he word. 
One day he'd swear he'd serve the King, 
The next, 'twas quite another thing ; 
Still changing with the Wind and Tide 
That he might keep the stronger side. 

^ Some of his expressions when for the second time he became Chancellor of the University 
are worth quoting, but it must be stated that they are derived from a Royalist pamphlet, which 
expressly confesses that they are a little exaggerated, "but not much," and therefore, in all 
probability, we have very much the phrases that he made use of. " My visitors, I am glad 
to see you this day. I hope this day will never end, tor I am your Chancellor. Some say 
that I am not your Chancellor, but damn me ! they lie, for my brother was so before me, and 
none but rascals would rob me of my birthright. They think the Marquis of Hertford is 
Chancellor of Oxford, because, forsooth, the University chose him. S'death, I sit here by 
ordinance of Parliament, and judge ye, gentlemen, whether he or I look like a Chancellor. 
I will prove he is a party, for himself he is a scholar, he has Greek and Latin, and all the world 
knows I can scarce read or write. Damn me ! this writing and reading hath caused all this 
blood . . . . I thank God, and I thank you, I thank God I am come at last, and I thank 
you for giving me a gilded Bible, you could not give me a better book, danm me, I think so. 
I love the Bible, though I seldom use it, I say I love it, and a man's affection is the best member 
about him. I can love it, though I cannot read it, as you, Dr. Wilkinson, love preaching, 
though you never preach . ... Gentlemen, love one another, for there are twenty 
thousand do hate you, they say you are all either dunces, knaves, or madmen, s'death, they 
will say so of me if they durst, but do you serve God and love your Chancellor, you have all 

the good places the University can yield I love you all, damn me ! I do. I command 

you, Registrar, to write it down, that I love them all." 

It is said that on several of the College doors there was painted up, in red, as though to 
announce a visitation of the Plague " Lord have mercy upon us for we are visited." 

172 Lady Anne. 

His Hawks and Hounds " were all his Care, 
For them he made his daily Prayer, 
And scarce would lose a hunting Season, 
E'en for the sake of darling Treason. 

This was the man whom Lady Anne selected as her second husband ! 

His first wife had borne him seven sons and three daughters, of 
whom two sons and a daughter had died in infancy. She died on the 
1st of February, 1628/9, ^^^ his second marriage took place on the 
1st of June, 1630. By Lady Anne he had two children prematurely 
bom and both of them died in infancy. Lady Susan had died of 
smallpox, as Lady Anne records in her diary. " His first wife," says 
she, " dyed of the smallpox on the Court att Whitehall a yeare and 
fower monthes before I was marryed to him. My youngest Daughter 
was present at this my second marriage. But not my eldest." 

Between 1629 and 1635 Vandyck painted the great picture which 
occupies the whole of one wall of the Double-Cube Room at Wilton 
House, and which contains the best portrait of Lady Anne at this 
period of her life. It is a magnificent group, with ten life-sized figures. 
The earl and his second wife are in the centre, on their left stands 
Anna Sophia, elder daughter of the Earl by his first wife, and her 
husband Robert, Earl of Carnarvon. On the right are Lord Pembroke's 
five sons by his first wife, Charles, Lord Herbert ; Philip, William, 
James and John. Standing on the steps in the foreground is Lady 
Mary, daughter of George, Duke of Buckingham, who became the 
wife of Charles Herbert, and who, after his decease, married as 
her second husband the first Duke of Richmond, and then, as her 
third, Thonias Howard, brother to Charles, Earl of Carlisle. In the 
clouds above are represented the three children who died in infancy, 
James, Henry and Katherine. 

It was to the astonishment of all her friends that this marriage had 
taken place, and many were the prophecies respecting it. Lady Anne, 
however, was not in the habit of taking other people's advice. She 
had decided that it was the right thing for her to marry Lord Pembroke 
that he would be a great champion for her, and that he would protect 
her daughter, and having entered into the contract with full deter- 
mination, she with equal decision carried out for as long as she possibly 

" He always kept 24 couples at WUton. 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 173 

could, her side of the bargain. Two persons more antithetical in 
habits could hardly have been found, and only for four years and six 
months were they able to live together. There were many ready to 
make disagreements between them. She says, " Nor did there want 
divers Malitious ilUwillers to Blow and foment the Coales of discontent 
betwixt us." There was not, it is true, the same source of difficulty 
between her and Lord Pembroke as had existed between her previous 
husband and herself, for the active prosecution of her claims to the 
estates could no longer be carried on, the King had made his award, 
and she had to abide by it : but, determined to keep her own suit in 
fuU force, she did make, on two separate occasions, definite legal 
claims for the estates in 1632, and in 1637, ^-^d these claims were 
made, not only by her, but by her in conjunction with Lord Pembroke ; 
and were signed and sealed by him as well as by her. It is quite 
likely that the necessity of the law of that day for making these 
legal claims was one of the reasons why she had entered into this 
fresh matrimonial contract. After 1637 there was no opportunity 
for a further claim, " ffor then," says she, " the Civill warres broke 
out in that extremitie in the Northerne parts. That no more Claymes 
could be made there, dureing my Unckle of Cumberland and his Sonne's 
lifetime." A fresh cause of controversy, however, had arisen. Lord 
Pembroke wished to make an engagement between her younger 
daughter. Lady Isabella Sackville, and one of his younger sons, and 
he wished her to settle upon his son the five thousand pounds 
which she possessed, part of her portion out of her land in Craven. 
This, she says, was a matter of long contention between them. She 
would not give in, and was determined that her daughter should 
herself select, subject to her consent, her own husband, and that 
there should be no engagement between her and any of Lord Pembroke's 
children. She refers, in a striking and oft-quoted passage, to her 
troubles with both her hitsbands, saying that, in both their lifetimes, 
" the marble pillars of KnoUe in Kentt and Wilton in Wiltshire, were 
to me oftentimes but the gay Harbours of Anguish, Insomuch as a 
Wiseman, that knew the inside of my fortune \har cousin, Francis, 
Earl of Bedford] would often say that I lived in those my Lordes 
great familyes as the river of Rhone or Rhodanus runnes thorow the 
Lake of Geneva, without mingleinge anie part of its streames with 

174 Lady Anne. 

that Lake, ffor I gave myselfe wholly to Retyredness, as much as I 
coi:ld, in both those great families, and made good Bookes and verteou? 
thoughts my Companions, which have never deserved affliction, nor 
bee daunted when it unjustly happeneth. And by a happie genious 
I overcame all those Troubles, the Prayers of my Blessed Mother 
helping me herein." 

With reference to this particular entry, it may be of interest to 
draw attention to the phrase '' marble pillars." Lady Anne was always 
exact in her statements, and her phraseology can be accepted as 
representing actual objects. It was not difficult to identify the marble 
pillars of Knole, but the contrary is the case at Wilton, where in 
the house there is but little marble. On the ground floor, in a 
retired position, however, there is a room which appears to have been 
Lady Anne's sitting-room, and across the centre of it there is a series 
of small marble columns against which she had probably leaned on 
many occasions. These seem to be the only marble columns in the 

In all probability, one of her principal troubles was that concerned 
with her daughter Isabella, and it would not appear that she had any 
particular objection to Lord Pembroke's sons, for, on the whole, 
she was on good terms with her stepchildren. Most of them were 
already grown up and married when she arrived at Wilton, and she 
frequently menaons one of them. Lord Pembroke's eldest daughter, 
Lady Carnarvon, as a person who had great influence with her Lord, 
and was helpful in restraining him in his wilder moods. Lady Isabella 
was, however, quite a girl at the time, and it is clear that her mother 
was determined that her affections should not be forced, and that no 
engagement should take place in tender years. It was likely that 
she would be a great co-heiress with her sister at some future time, 
and, at all events, she should have the right of exercising her own wiU 
when the time came for doing so. 

This, however, was by no means the only cause of friction, for there 
were many scandals both at Wilton and in London, respecting Lord 
Pembroke. As a matter of fact, one of them, which is specifically 
mentioned in a letter which appears in the Domestic series of State 
Papers, cannot have been altogether accurately described, because 
the particular lady with whom Lord Pembroke is said to have been 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 175 

living, was his niece, and his ward, and therefore there was a reason 
for her residence at Wilton, and a still further reason for Lord Pembroke 
exercising what influence he possessed over her, and preventing her 
from making an unfortunate marriage. That she herself actually lived 
with her guardian, there is no proof, but there are plenty of stories of 
similar conduct, and some of them were certainly founded in fact. 
Many of the special difficulties, however, arose from Lord Pem- 
broke's violence of temper, which was at times so serious and so out- 
rageous that he was regarded as mad, and in fact, in one letter, his 
behaviour is spoken of as that of a lunatic.^* He does not appear 
to have had the slightest control of his language. It was habitually 
violent, blasphemous, and offensive, and his libertinism was known, 
and universally accepted. Almost his sole interest was in sport, 
horses and dogs, but withal, he was much attached to his family seat, 
Wilton, and spent' considerable sums of money upon the house. 
He rebuilt the main front on an elaborate scale in 1633, and then in 
1647 rebuilt the south side of the house which had been burned down, 
but even on that occasion was not able to control his feelings, and 
bitter quarrels ensued between him and Inigo Jones, who was his 
architect, and also between him and Webb, who was a connection of 
Inigo Jones, and was responsible for the south elevation. He collected 
many fine pictures and some important books which he added to the 
treasures of the house. He employed the great artists of the day to 
decorate its ceilings, and above aU, he was a notable patron to Vandyck, 
so that some of the finest works Vandyck ever painted are the portraits 
he commissioned, and which still remain in the Cube and Double Cube 
rooms and the Picture Gallery of Wilton House. There is a striking 
resemblance between him and men of the Renaissance, so strange 
W£is the, mingling of fine artistic tastes ^^ with unbridled immorality 
and great violence of temper. More and more. Lady Anne had to 
retire from her husband, and shut herself up, as she said, with her books 
and her meditations, cherishing memories of her revered mother, 
and interesting herself in the affairs of her children. She speaks 
with great joy of the birth of her grandchildren, and many years after- 

" His brother's widow was in a mad-house, and he enjoyed her income added to his own. 

" Geo. Sedgwick, who was for a while liis secretary, says that his income was £18,000 a year, 
but that he left debts amounting to £55,000, all of which were cleared off by his executors within 
four years. 

176 Lady Anne. 

wards, in writing her record, she puts down " I must not forgett God's 
goodness and mercie to me in sending my eldest Daughter the Countess 
of Thanet [she was then Lady Tufton, as Lord Thanet did not die 
till the next year] her first-born Childe being a Sonne whereof she was 
delivered in Bollbroke House, in Sussex, the seventh of August, 1631. 
And after thatt had manie more Children, both sonnes and Daughters, 
to my great Comfort, So as now shee hath manie children aHve." 

Another of her satisfactions appears to have consisted in her friend- 
sliip with George Herbert the poet, who, soon after she had married 
Lord Pembroke, came to reside at Bemerton, quite close to her new 
home. Only one letter, addressed by George Herbert to Lady Anne, 
has been preserved, but it would almost appear, from the wording 
of this, in which he alludes in graceful fashion to her mother — a sure 
path to her interest, — that he felt indebted to her for some influence 
she may have brought to bear upon her husband, and which resulted 
in his receiving the living. He writes to her when she was " at 
Court " in the following words. 


What a trouble hath your goodness brought on you by admitting our poor 
services. Now they creep in a vessel of Metheglin, and still they wUl be pre- 
senting or wishing to see, if at length they may find out something not unworthy 
of those hands at which they aim. In the meantime, a priest's blessing, though 
it be none of the Court style, yet doubtless, Madam, can do you no harm, where- 
fore the Lord make good the blessing of your Mother upon you, and cause all 
her wishes, diligences, prayers and tears to bud, blow and bear fruit in your 
soul, to His glory, your own good, and the great joy of, Madam, 
Your most faithful servant in Christ Jesus, 

(Signed) George Herbert. 
P.S. — Madam, your poor colony of servants present their humble duties. 
December loth, 1631, Bemerton. 

We have little doubt that Lady Anne entertained, when she went 
to Wilton, the desire to have frequent communication with her poet 
neighbour, but alas ! George Herbert resided Httle more than a year 
at Bemerton before he died of consumption at the age of forty. 

It was only, as we have said, for less than five years that Lord and 
Lady Pembroke were able to live together. We do not know the actual 
reason for their separation, whether it was owing to his immoral 
conduct, to her discovery of certain new infidelities, already probably 

Lady Anne's Secoiid Makeiage. 177 

well known to his neighbours, or whether it was by reason of a special 
violence of temper, to which she refers in one place as " lunatic 
behaviour," but in 1634, tliey agreed to part, and quietly and soberly 
she alludes to the parting, in the diary which she wrote in later years. 
She says " The eighteenth of December one thousand sixe hundred 
and thirtie fower, By reason of some discontent, I went from I-iveing 
at the Court at Whitehall, to live at Baynard's Castle in London, 
where, and at the two houses of Wilton and Ramsburie I continwed 
for the most part (during the time of his life after) in which Howses of 
his lived then his sister in Law Marie Talbot, Countess Dowager of Pem- 
brook, and most of his children. For that widdowe Countess outlived 
him about a Month." It would appear that Lord Pembroke 
continued to reside in his rooms in Whitehall, keeping them as his 
principal residence, or in bis rooms in the Cockpit, and that Lady 
Pembroke determined that she would not continue in either place 
with him. It would also seem, from the wording of her diary, that 
already a division of opinion had taken place between him and his own 
children, and that they were residing with the Dowager Countess, 
while he was living his wild life in London. There can hardly have 
been an open rupture between them at that time, because, early in 
the following year. Lord Pembroke himself came to see her, and 
settled aU the terms of her jointure. 

She had a firm friend in her cousin Francis, Earl of Bedford, who 
was determined that her rights and those of her two daughters should 
be safeguarded, and that, whether husband and wife lived together 
or not, her means, and the portion of her children, were to be settled 
in legal and definite terms, and eventually, it would appear, owing 
to his interposition, this arragement was made. " On the 5th of 
June," she says " one thowsand sixe hundred thirtie-five, Did my 
sayd Lord the Earle of Pembrooke in Ba5n.iard's Castle make over to 
mee My Jointure of those Landes of his in the Isle of Sheppey in 
Kentt, Which hee hadd formerlie made in Jointure to his first wife, 
the Ladie Suzan Vere, Countess of Montgomery, and at the time of 
makeing that Jointure, Hee released his Right to all my Landes in 
Westmoreland, and five thowsand poundes out of my Landes in Craven, 
for a part of my youngest Daughter's portion (if ever those Landes 
should fall to mee) in his Lifetime, as afterwards they did. And this 

178 Lady Anne. 

Agreement," she adds, " was cheifely made betwene us by my worthy 
Cozen German, ffrancis, Earle of Bedford." Lord Bedford must have 
worked hard to have obtamed what would appear to be such excellent 
terms for his cousin, and one wonders why Lord Pembroke accepted 
them. The claim which he withdrew to her lands was not a small 
one, although, of course, the possibility of her succession was somewhat 
remote, but, whatever might be the reason, whether he was gnilty of so 
serious an offence that he desired to propitiate his wife, or to purchase 
her forgiveness, or for what reason, we cannot teU, but the declarations 
were made, and no more difficiilty on that score ensued between 
them. Possibly on that occasion, or perhaps on a later one, there 
must have been a definite and open rupture of an even more serious 
character, because an important letter, which is preserved amongst 
the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, and which Lady Anne 
addresses to Lord Bedford, does actually state that he had turned 
her out of the house. She writes to her cousin from Ramsbury and 
she says ^® : — 

Yesterday, by Mr. Marsh, I received your Lordship's letter, by which I 
perceived how much you were troubled at the report of my being sick, for which 
I humbly thank your Lordship. I was so ill as I did make full account to die, 
but now I thank God, I am something better, and now, my Lord, give me 
leave to desire that favour from your Lordship, as to speak earnestly to my 
Lord for my coming up to the Town this term, either to Baynard's Castle or 
the Cockpit, and I protest I will be ready to return back hither again whenso- 
ever my Lord appoints it. I have to this purpose written now to my Lord, 
and sent it enclosed in a letter of mine to my Lady of Carnarvon, as desiring 
her to deliver it to her Father, which I know she wUl do, with all the advantage 
she can to further this business, and if your Lordship will join with her in it, 
you shall afiord a charitable and most acceptable favour to your Lordship's 
cousin and humble friend to command, 

14 January, 1638. Anne Pembroke. 

To this letter there is an important postscript ; — 

If my Lord should deny my coming, then I desire your Lordship I may 
understand it as soon as may be, that so I may order my poor business as well 
as I can, without my own coming to the Town, for I dare not venture to come up 
without his leave, lest he should take that occasion to turn me out of this house, 

*° Rendered into modern spelling. 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 179 

as he did out of Whitehall, and then I shall not know where to put my head. 
I desire not to stay in the town above ten days or a fortnight at the most. 

From this it is quite evident that on the occasion of this open 
rupture, whether it was in 1635 or at the time when the letter was 
written, Lord Pembroke had absolutely refused, in one of his fits of 
temper, to permit his wife to come up again to town, and ordered 
her down to his country house, and told her that there she was to 
remain. There was some strong reason for her wishing to come up 
to London in 1638, probably in connection with the agreement she 
had made in the previous September respecting her Northern estates, 
and which constituted the final claim she was able to make, but 
she could not expose herself again to any insulting remarks from her 
husband, and with all her desire to come up to London, and to consult 
her legal advisers, was yet really afraid to do so, for fear that he 
might turn her out from wherever she went to reside for the night. 
It was in consequence of this that she appealed to Lord Bedford to 
interview her husband, and although we do not know the result of 
his interposition, yet we should imagine, from the success which she 
usually obtained when she had set her mind upon any course of action, 
that she probably did come up to London upon that occasion, and 
carried out the business she desired to transact. 

A couple of years after the date of this letter, another change 
occurred with regard to her legal trouble in the death of the old Earl 
of Cumberland. " The one and twentieth of Januarie," she sa57s 
" one thowsand sixe hundred and fortie one, Dyed my Unckle Francis, 
Earle of Cumberland, when hee was nere fowerscore and two yeares 
ould, in Skipton Castle in Craven (I lying then in Ramsburie in Wilt- 
shire) and his onelie Childe Henerie Lord Clifford, who succeeded him 
in the Earledom, lived but two yeares tenne Monthes and some twenty 
dayes after him." 

Her chances, by this death, of succeeding to the Northern estates, 
had become less remote than they had been hitherto, because aU the 
children of the fifth Earl of Cumberland by his marriage with Lady 
Frances Cecil had died, save only one daughter Elizabeth, and 
the estates could only pass to heirs male. His wife was still living, 
however, and as long as she lived there was the chance of his having 
an increase in his family, and he himself was, be it remembered, only a 

i8o Lady Anne. 

year or two younger than his cousin Lady Anne, so that, even in the 
event of his wife's decease, he might marry again, and have a family, 
but the probabilities were against either of these results, and the chance 
of Lady Anne's succession more definite. It was actually a question 
as to which of the two cousins would outlive the other, and Lady Anne 
won in the contest, because Lord Clifford died on the nth of December, 
1643, leaving behind him his one daughter only, who had married 
Richard Boyle, second Earl of Cork, and first Earl of Burlington, and 
who, in the following year, was created Baron Clifford of Lanesborough, 
while Lady Cumberland outlived her husband a very short time, as 
she died on the 14th of February, 1644, and so, releasing any 
jointure she might have possessed, left the whole way clear for the 
sviccession of Lady Anne. 

Of her uncle Lady Anne writes that " he was an honourable gentle- 
man, and of a good, noble, sweet and courteoijs nature, but towards 
the last few years of his life was overruled in all his actions by his son." 
In May of the same year, an even greater trouble befell her, because 
she lost her cousin, the Earl of Bedford, who had always been her 
protector and supporter. " He died," she writes, " at his Howse 
called Bedford Howse in the Strand, to my greife and sorrowe 
For hee was a most worthJe man." Then ensued the serious difficulties 
of the Civil War, and perchance these brought the husband and wife 
together again, at all events for a short time, because, she says " when 

the Civill warres began to grow hotter and hotter in England, 

my sayd Lord and I came together [and the word " together " should 
be marked] from Wilton the 12th of October, 1642, with my younger 
Daughter, then the Ladie Issabellas Sackville, and the next dale wee 
came to London, where my sayd Lord went to lye at his Lodgeings 
in the Cockpitt, in Saint James his parck, over against Whitehall, 
to be nere the Parliament, Butt I and my Daughter went to lye in 
Baynard's Castle, which was then a Howse full of Riches, and was 
tl;ie more secure by my Lyeing there, where then I continwed to lye 
in my owne Chamber, without removeinge sixe yeares and njme 
monthes, which was the longest time that ever I continwed to lye in 
one Howse in aU my Life (The Civill warres being then verie hott in 
England) So that I was well safe, that was then, as it were, a place of 
Refuge for me to hide myself e in, till those troubles were overpassed." 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. i8i 

It is interesting to surmise concerning the reason that brought Lord and* 
Lady Pembroke together, and demanded their going up to town, 
when he had, as we have already seen, thrown all his influence against 
the King and on the side of the Parliament. He had been vacillating 
backwards and forwards for some time, keeping faith with neither 
party, speaking of the ParUamentarians to the King as a " pack of 
knaves and villians," and to them, in opprobrious language con- 
cerning his Sovereign. No man respected him, but at length, obliged 
to commit himself in definite fashion to one side or the other, in this 
very year to which we are now referring, he had been one of the? 
deputation sent down to Royston to his Sovereign, and it is said had 
no embarrassment and no awkwardness in reading to the King the 
insolent document which he, the late Lord Chamberlain, bore to 
him. It was on this occasion, however, that King Charles is said to 
have given utterance to one of his few recorded fiery sentences. 
Pressed by the renegade to abandon the control of the mildtiia to 
Parliament, he exclaimed, " No, by God, not for an hour ! You haves 
asked that of me, in this, which was never asked of a King before, aaid? 
with which I would not even trust my wife or children." It has been 
suggested, and with some probability, that it was purely a matter of- 
ways and means which led Lord Pembroke on this occasion to make 
a sort of temporary agreement with his wife, and that her allusion to 
the fact that Baynard's Castle was a house full of riches, and that the 
property was secured by her Uving in it, and by her continuing to^ 
reside in what she calls a place of refuge ; marks the fact that many of 
the more valuable possessions of Lord Pembroke were at that time 
at Baynard's Castle, and that he had suggested to her that she should 
remain there in residence, and in charge of these treasures, in case 
that at any moment he might have to go far away from London with 
the Parliamentarian forces. We would have liked to have imagined 
that it constituted a certain renewal of the attachment of the husband 
and wife to one another, but it was probably not so, and the friendship 
was patched up with the idea that she should protect his belongings , 
and settle down quietly in London during this troublous time. She 
did so, and makes very slight reference in any of her records to the 
political troubles, to which she was really indifferent, being far more 
interested in the fact that her daughter went over to Fratoce with her 

i82 Lady Anne. 

husband and children, and stayed away some seven or eight months, 
and then returned to their house in Aldersgate Street, where she gave 
birth to her seventh child, Thomas Tufton. She had been god- 
mother to two of the children, Margaret, the eldest daughter, and John, 
the second son, and was always particularly attached to her godson, 
and took special interest in him. 

While the Thanets were abroad, the greatest event that could 
possibly happen to alter the whole future of Lady Anne's life 
occurred, in the unexpected decease of her cousin the last Earl of 
Cumberland, and so the estates were released to her. As already 
mentioned in the previous chapter, she does not speak in very kind 
terms of this cousin, but she does refer in more agreeable fashion to 
his wife, who died in the sajne house and only a few months after 
her husband. " She," Lady Anne says, " was a lady of very noble 
and just mind, very bountiful to her power, and kind and loving to 
her friends and kindred." Of the husband, she says but little, and 
that little always in terms of strong feeling against the injustice 
which for years kept her out of her estate. 

We shall deal in a separate chapter with her proceedings after 
the decejise of her cousin, but there are two or three events that 
should be chronicled here, even though one of them occurred later 
than certain happenings to which we shall refer presently. Lady Anne 
records the decease on May i6, 1643, of Mary, Countess of Dorset, 
the wife of her husband's successor at Knole. She speaks of her as 
" a virtuous and good woman," and as her " deare and good friend." 
She cannot resist the opportunity, however, of again referring to 
Lord Dorset her brother-in-law, and saying that he was ever her 
" bitter enemie and persecutor." Then, after allusion to the difficulty 
which had occurred between Lord Pembroke and Lady Isabella, she 
mentions with great satisfaction that on the 5th of' July, 1647, her 
younger daughter was married to James Compton, Earl of Northampton, 
in the church at Clerkenwell, in which church, says she, " my Mother 
and I had been parrishioners for some seven yeares together in my 
Childehood. ' ' She was not, however, able to be present at the marriage, 
" for manie reasons," as she was not in good health at that moment. 
Then, in 1649, she took her last leave of Lord Pembroke, having 
arrived at a determination that she did not desire to see him any more. 

Lady Anne's Second Marriage. 183 

It was on a Sunday, and it was the last time that they ever " saw one 
another," and, after parting with him at the Cockpit, she drove to 
her daughter Lady Northampton's house at Islington, " which was 
the first time," she says " that I was ever in anie of her Lord's Howses, 
and methinkes," she goes on to say, " that my Destiny is remarkable. 
That shee should be settled at Islington so nere Clerkenwell, where 
my Mother and I lived long in my Childehood, And that her Lord's 
Cheife Howse of Ashbie should be so neare Lillford in Northampton- 
shire, where both my Mother and my selfe in our younger yeares had 
our Breedeing, As also that my elder Daughter of Thanett should 
bee settled at Hothefield in Kent, not farr from Sutton Where my 
Blessed Mother and I lived together a good while, whilst I was a 
Maide. So as those Countryes where my Mother lived as a Stranger 
and PilgTime and in some Discontentes are now the settled Aboades 
and Habitations of both their Grandechildren." 

The only other event which need be recorded in this chapter is that 
of the death of Lord Pembroke. He died on January 23, 1650, in 
his lodgings in the Cockpit, Whitehall, from what is called " a 
pestilential fever," at the age, so says his wife, of sixty-five years, 
three months, and thirteen days. Her comments upon him describe 
him as a man of very quick apprehension, sharp understanding, and of 
a " desceming spirit," but she was careful to add that he was " very 
crafty withal," and " extremely choleric by nature," and that he was 
" no scholar at all to speak of," as he spent a very short time at the 
University. It was apparently a cause of some thankfulness to her 
that this strange and troublous life was ended at last. His death 
occurred upon a Wednesday, and his body was buried in Salisbury 
Cathedral on the 9th of February following, l3^g by his brother, his 
father and his mother in that place. His elder brother's widow, 
Marig Talbot, to whom we have made allusion a little further back, 
and who was the elder daughter and heir to Gilbert Talbot, Earl of 
Shrewsbury, died a month after her brother-in-law, and she also was 
buried in Salisbury Cathedral. There is httle need to refer in this 
place to the scurrilous Last Will and Testament which was issued 
by the Royalist pamphleteers immediately after the decease of Lord 
Pembroke, and which violently assailed his memory in scathing terms. 
He died a traitor to his King, amidst almost imiversal execration on 

1% Lady Anne. 

both sides, hated by those amongst whom- he lived in the earlier part 
of his Kfe, and who had been exposed to the violence of bis 
temper; aaid aknost equally disliked by the party he had joined 
in later days, and to which he had been no credit. He will be weD 
remembered, because he was one of the " incomparable pair of 
brothers," and for his devotion to art and to rebuilding and improving 
his house at Wilton, but his social and political career were eminently 

We do not Icnow who wrote to Lady Anne to tell her of the death 
of her husband, but there is in existence a letter from Lord Pembroke's 
chaplain, Caldecott, which was addressed to her, and was evidently 
in response to a letter from her sent to him. It is dated the 23rd of 
February, 1649-50, and in it, he says, that he begs to 

acCfuaint your Honor that I am newly come hither from the last office I could 
do my Lord deceased, his interment, where I met your Honor's letter, most 
precious to his memory, which I do keep as a significant favour from your 
Honor, nor could I possibly return my sense sufficiently, but if ever I enjoy 
the happiness to kiss your Honor's hand, it wiU be to testify the great rejoicing 
I have in being your Honor's most humble and faithful servant, 

R. Caldecott, 

From the Cockpit Whitehall. 

An interesting holograph letter from Lady Anne — bi the possessionr 
of the Honourable Maud Russell — refers to this same Mr. Caldecott, 
and perhaps alludes to his appointment as her chaplain. 

Good Cousin, 

I received a kind letter from you, and with it a dainty box of dried sweet- 
meats, for which I return you many thanks, as I have cause for the like kind- 
nesses to do many times before. For the lease, your son, Mr. Caldecott,^' doth 
desire from me, I do move it shall be done to his own mind, out of band, andi 
so I have told him, and given order to have it drawn, and so, committing you 
to the protection of the Almighty, I rest. 

Your assured friend and cousin, 

Anne Pembroke. 
Whitehall, 20th of November. [No year given] . 

The only other thing we need refer to in connection with the death 

" We are curious to know whether by any chance the person to whom this letter was 
addressed was Matthew Caldecott her late lord's " great favourite " and perhaps Lord Dorset's 
cousin, arid' heflce thi manner m which it is written. 

Lady Anne's SMgond Marriage. 185 

of Lord Pembroke is the issue of a scurrilous pamphlet concerning 
him which came out almost immediately. It was called " The Life 
and Death of Philip Herbert, the late infamous Knight of Berkshire, 
once Earl of Pembroke, likewise a Discourse with Charon on his 
Voyage to HeU, Printed in the First year of Phil Harbert's Infernal 
Captivity, and (I hope) the last of our State Tyranny." The allusion 
to his representing Berkshire is of course to the fact that in April 
before he died, ignoring his high rank, he had presented himself as a 
candidate for the Lower House and member for Berkshire in the 
Rump Parliament, and this " Ascent downwards," as the Royalists 
termed it, was, by most of them, regarded as the very lowest depth 
to which he ever sank. In the pamphlet> which points to considerable 
liberty of the press taken at that moment, Charon was represented 
as instructing Cerberus concerniing his new visitor in these words^ 
" Hee's come from' England. His name was Pembroke, one of our 
chief champions. For damning, stinking. Swearing, and eursingj 
all the inhabitants of HeU can hardly equal him." 
Then it goes on to say :-^ 

If all our Regicides were with him there. 
Thrice happy, happy then this Ehgfand were . 

The ribald pamphlet ends thus : — 

Here lies the mirror of our age for treason, 
Who in hife life was void of sense and reason. 
The Commons' fool, a knave in everything, 
A traitor to his master. Lord and King, 
A man whose virtues were to lie and swear, 
God damn him ! was his constant daily prayer. 




A PUZZLING circumstance in connection with the life of Lady 
Anne Clifford occurs at this stage of the proceedings. It is not 
at aU clear what happened during the interval between the 
death of Henry, the last Earl of Cumberland, which occurred in 1644, 
and the time, five years afterwards, when she made her first journey 
down to the north. It is at first not easy to understand why so long 
a space of time should have elapsed before she went down to take 
possession of the property. She had at length gained the estates. 
It had been a long and an arduous fight, but now ever5rthing had 
fallen quietly into her own hands, since her cousin had died without 
heirs male. She must have felt conscious of success, and it would 
only have been natural had she left for Appleby and Skipton im- 
mediately. There were evidently important reasons which prevented 
her from doing so, although we can believe that her desire would 
have been to go down to the north at once. It is probable that it was 
not safe to leave London at this juncture. It was also likely to have 
been the case that Lady Isabella, her younger daughter, who was at 
that time twenty-one, had many suitors. She and her sister Margaret 
were now co-heiresses to a great fortune, ajid therefore she was a person 
of consequence. Lady Anne may have been anxious to guide her 
daughter's thoughts into the right channel, and to see that she selected 
a suitable person for her husband, and that may have taken some time. 
Lord Pembroke may have refused at first to allow her to go down 
to the north, or he may have put difiiculties in the way of her going, 
and have insisted upon her remsiining at Baynard's Castle to look 
after his property. Her own health may not have been particularly 
good, and it is certain that she must have had a number of legal 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 187 

arrangements to make, that perhaps she felt could be better entered 
into, on the spot, in London, than if she was absent from town, and 
unable to constilt with her legal advisers. Be the reason what it may, 
it is clear that not until 1649, ^^^ ^^ ^^e summer of that year, did 
she set out from London to go down to her northern estates. She 
never returned to town again, and the fact that she had no intention 
of so doing, may have been another of her reasons for delaying her 
departure. She probably had all kinds of plans to make before she 
left London, for she had made up her mind that the rest of her life 
was to be devoted to the care of her tenants and her estates, and she 
had no intention of again taking part in either Court or Social life in 
London. Lord Pembroke's controversy with his wife, concerning 
Lady Isabella's marriage, probably extended over a considerable 
time, perhaps even for some years. It is quite likely that he refused 
to give up the idea of wedding her to one of his children, that he 
persecuted and worried both mother and daughter persistently, and 
that they both of them were so in fear of his mad and violent temper 
that they dared not leave London as long as he had set his mind upon 
this match, and it was only when her daughter was safely married to 
the Earl of Northampton that Lady Anne felt able to take into close 
consideration the question of her own complete separation from her 
husband, and from society, both at the Court and elsewhere. Certain 
it is, she came to some definite arrangement with him that they should 
not meet again, before she went to the north, and after the final 
parting, they did not see one another any more, and she w£is at Appleby 
when the news reached her of his decease. 

The true explanation of the whole matter is probably a political 
one, for the five years were amongst the most disastrous in English 
history. It must not be forgotten that at the time when Henry, 
Lord Ctimberland, died the first battle of Newbury had taken place, 
and that in the following year there was the second battle of Newbury, 
the battle of Marston Moor, and the failure of the serious negotiations 
at Uxbridge. Following that, in '45, came the battle of Naseby, 
and it is therefore probable that Lady Anne felt it would be politic 
to lead as quiet and retired a life as possible in London, while all these 
troubles were taking place. She must herself have been well known 
as sympathising with the Royedist party. She had been constantly 

lis Lady Anne. 

at Court, and intimately known, not only to James I, and hifr Queenj 
feut to his successor on the throne, and aU her personal and family 
instincts would have led her to throw in any weight of interest she 
possessed, on the Royalist side. Her husband, however, had espoused 
the cause of the Parliamentarians, and as he had turned toward the 
winning side, it would doubtless be advisable for her to keep her 
sympathies to herself, and to take shelter, so far as was desirable, 
behind the position which Lord Pembroke had adopted. In fact, 
her only chance of escaping the general debicle was to do so. If ah© 
bad gone away to her northern estates, she would have had to stand 
by her own opinions, and they were not the ones which at that time 
were popular. She would have been away from any of the protection 
which her husband's Parliamentarian S57mpathies afforded her while 
she was in London, and it is therefore probable that it was not all 
from want of desire to visit her northern estates, to which she had 
succeeded, that she remained in London, but because self-preservation 
was a natural instinct, and while this terrible contest was going on 
between the Parliamentary forces and those of the King, ending in 
his capture, trial and death, and in the flight of Charles II., it was 
desirable that she should remain at Baynard's Castle, watching over 
such possessions as were in the house, and keeping herself as Httle 
as; might be in the public eye. It must have been a period of great 
trial for her, because, although she refers very little to political events, 
yet the few remarks she does make about the coronation of Charles II. 
and other Court matters, show in which direction lay her ssonpathies. 
She entirely ignores the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, making 
no allusion to Cromwell or to any of his people, with the single exception 
of the reference to which we shall allude shortly, to General Harrison. 
Her desire to have taken possession of her property and to see her 
tenantry must have been keen, but she had to resist the temptation 
to go north, because it was unsafe for her to do so, and it is not ^flficult 
to understand what a period of anxiety these five years must have 
been, and how eager to journey to Skipton she was, as soon as it was 
possible for her to do so. 

In any case it would have been impossible for her to have gone 
at an earlier date to Skipton, however strong her desire might have 
been to have visited the place where she was born, because the las-t 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 189 

Earl of Cumberland had endeavoured to hold it in favour of the King, 
and Skipton had sustained a siege, or at least a blockade, for three 
years. Inasmuch as it was commanded by two adjoining heights, 
it would not have been tenable if attacked, as Whitaker says it was, 
" by battering cannon," and the siege, although conducted by three 
such able officers as Lambert, Poyntz, and Rossiter, could not have 
been of a serious character, excepting, perhaps, for two or three brisk 
assaults. Few records remain to describe this blockfide, but the 
siege is supposed to have commenced in December, 1642, although 
in June of that year, we hear that Sir Thomas Fairfax had come 
against it. Sir John MaUory of Studley, whose portrait is still to be 
seen in the possession of Lord Ripon, was the Governor, who defended 
it. The castle appears to have held out until December 22nd, 1645, 
when it was surrendered upon articles. During the siege, the King 
granted a warrant to Sir John Mallory empowering him to coUect 
some of the rents that had been due to the late Earl of Cumberland, 
and to apply them to the maintenance of the garrison, and if this 
was done, it would have probably unsettled the tenants, because 
very likely the officers who executed the King's warrant were harsh 
in their demands. Practically, the only information we have con- 
cerning this period at Skipton is derived from the entries in the registers 
of the deaths and burials of soldiers and officers. There appear to be 
no actual records now in existence relative to the siege itself. 

Another rather curious difficulty besets us in connection with this 
journey. There are in existence aL Appleby Castle several interesting 
and important letters, written by Lady Anne from that place, and 
many of them are dated in the early months of 1649, whereas she 
distinctly states in her diary that she left London on the iith of July 
in that very year for Skipton, that it was the first time that she went 
down to Skipton on going into her inheritance, that in the August 
of the same year she came on to Appleby, and that it was the first 
time she had been there since 1607. It is therefore certain that these 
letters, dated January and February, 1649, do not relate to the year 
to which one would naturally expect them to belong, but must be 
considered to belong to January and February, as we should term it, 
1650, and their date should read January, 1649-50.^ 

Fortunately we are aware of what Lady Anne was doing during 


Lady Anne. 

part of this time, because some letters and papers which she addressed 
to her cousin, Sir John Lowther, are still in existence.^ They are 
but few in number, but they are all dated at about this time, and 
they show us not only the extreme care which Sir John Lowther 
exercised on behalf of his cousin's estates while she was detained 
in London, but also the great affection which she felt for him, and 
her gratitude for him for all his care. Besides all this they set 
forth in quite striking language an illustration of her own deter- 
mined character. The documents start with some instructions to 
her tenants in Westmoreland dated April 4th, 1644, in which she 
desires those whom she calls "my good and loving tenants" not 
to pay any rents or fines that have become due to her since the 
death of the last Earl of Cumberland to anyone, but to retain 
these rents or fines in their own hands until they should receive 
special instructions from her under her own hand. These instructions 
she says she intends to give as soon as the " troublesome times will 
permit," and then goes on to state that if they carry out her instruc- 
tions it will increase her " love and good meaning more and more to 
aU " of them, and concludes the statement by the following phrase 
with reference to the tenants " to whom I intend it, God's sparing life, 
to be a good landlady to you all, and so committing you all to the 
protection of God Almighty, I rest. Your landlady that wishes 
happiness and blessing to the county of Westmoreland." As is usual 
with her letters there is an important postscript, and in this instance 
it is to the effect that her woods in Westmoreland may be well looked 
after, and that John HaU of Sowerby should have the superintendence 
of them. This letter she endorses with a statement that it was to be 
delivered to her cousin. Sir John Lowther, that he was to call into 
coimcil her very good friend Mr. George Hillton of Hillton, and that 
they between them were to acquaint the tenants with her wishes. 
Apparently, however, this scheme for the tenants to retain in 
their own hands the rents until she came north was not successful, 

^ For this and many other favours I have to thank the Earl of Lonsdale. There was not 
a single document at Appleby or at Skipton relating to the long interregnum, and had it not 
been for Lord Lonsdale's interest in the book, or the effort he very generously made for a 
search in his family papers, I should have had but little information about this period to record. 
He, most considerately, had all the original documents sent to London and placed them at 
my entire disposal. 




H .-73" 

<1 *^ 



This letter dated 4th January, 1649, is mt from the Lowther 
Estate Records, but is in private possession. 
The error appears also on p. x. 

4tli January, 1649 (see page 191)). 

Frnm Ihc 1 mclhcr Estate Records. 

- ■ ■ 

,:^ A^ i2. ^.-i ^ ,i^ ia,8- -^> ^- '^'' 

■— - - ■':■ - -~- -.^i^*-,— ^ -_:^.:::^i^____^__^.J: - '. ' 1 

7tli August, i()47, cmlnrscd in lier .iwn bamhvritinf;. 

/"/"/;; //;.■ Lnwlticr Ksltile Records. 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 191 

for on the 20th September 1645, she wrote again to her cousin, Sir 
John Lowther, telling him that she had altered the arrangement. 
She and her two trustees (one of whom was Lord Wharton) had by 
that time given instructions to a Mr. Edmond PoUard that he should 
receive the rents, and she asks her cousin to render him every assistance. 
She explains that the reasons for taking such a course were too lengthy 
to put in a letter, that she had been hoping from time to time to come 
north, and that when she did so she would explain to him with all 
clearness her ideas in this matter. Again we find a postscript in this 
important holograph letter, and this time it concerns the coal-pits 
at-Stainmoor. She expresses her joy in hearing that they are so good, 
and that they are likely to be a considerable benefit not only to her, 
but to the whole county. 

The third letter which is dated 14th October, 1646, is one of still 
greater importance, because it is evident that by this time some of 
those difficulties which were to be serious for many years had already 
arisen between her and her tenants. She writes to Sir John 
thanking him in no meeisured terms for the great care and pains 
he had taken in her business, " by which " says she, "you increase 
my obligations to you more and more." She notices that he has 
cause to commend the Sheriff for his care and diligence, and is 
gratified by these recommendations. She sends a message to the 
Sheriff commending herself to him, thanking him for what he has 
done, and telling him that if Mr. Marsh, her secretary, is able to get 
away from London, letters and instructions will in due course arrive 
by him. She then goes on to speak about the tenants. " Concerning 
the tenants," she says, " that are so unwilling to pay to me that 
which is my right from them about Stainmoor and Kirkby- Stephen 
they wiU live to see that their scruples and doubts are vain, and for 
any deductions more than ordinary I have no reason to allow of." "I 
hope the example of the good tenants," she goes on to say, " wiU draw 
over the rest to follow, if not I will send down writs and other processes 
in law as I shall be advised by my friends and counsel here, though 
if I can avoid it by gentle and fair means, I will not begin to use 
rough courses towards my tenants there, for you know how much I 
love that country, and am sorry for the case it is now in, but all places 
where armies are, must of necessity have a share of these distresses 


Lady Anne. 

be their armies never so well governed." " We are," she says, "iji 
hope of a peace, and then the Scotch will march home into their own 
country, and the unruly Enghsh will also be gone." In the final 
sentence she rejoices very much to hear that Brougham Castle is 
being repaired, and that an excellent mine of lead has been found at 
Keswick, which, she says, " may much help to the repairing of my 
decayed castle." Her postscript concerns game. She fears that the 
preserves have been brought very low, and has already heard that 
such is the case. 

When she came north she still continued her close correspond- 
ence with Sir John Lowther, and in the earhest of her appoint- 
ments for a commission to deal with the controversies between her 
and her tenants, we find his name standing first in the list of those 
gentlemen whom she called in to assist her. The original document 
dated at Appleby, February 6th, 1649, and which is, of course, 
February 6th, 1649-50, is still in existence, and it formulates as 
commissioners Sir John Lowther, Mr. Hillton, Colonel Briggs, Mr. 
Crackenthorpe, Mr. Clapham and Mr. Teasdale to deal with the various 
questions that were at issue. With this document has been preserved 
a schedule which she drew out in the previous month having reference 
to certain parts of her property. The greater part of the document 
is concerned with procedure respecting the woods. She does not wish 
the building of the wall around Whinfell to be proceeded with at 
present. She is anxious that no more timber shall be sold unless it 
happens to be very old trees that are not of any particular merit, 
but as to the forestry she desires to enquire personally. She refers 
to the mills ax Brougham and to the rent which was in arrear, and which 
had been somewhat carelessly paid; and then expresses particular 
interest in the care which her commissioners are adopting towards 
Brougham Castle. She is interested in learning that the lead roof 
was to be replaced, so that the timber could be preserved. She 
wishes very dihgent interest to be taken in this business, tmd is desirous 
that one particular servant whom she mentions, Thomas Wyber, 
should have special favours, because, says she, " he was a faithful 
servant to my dear mother." A final clause to these instructions 
refers to Appleby Castle, for she was anxious that the rooms should 
be put in order after the garrison had left, so that she herself might 
be able to stay in the building. 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 193 

To another of the Lowther documents appointing a Sheriff we refer 
later on. 

Her journey north, as I have already stated, took place on the 
nth of July, 1649. She was in residence at that time at Baynard's 
Castle. There she took her leave of her two daughters, their lords 
and her grandchildren, and then, she tells us, went out of London, 
" onwardes on my Journey towards Skipton." At first she only 
travelled as far as North Hall, where she had formerly Uved, and so 
on, by what she calls " easy journeys," reaching Skipton on the 
i8th of July, and entering into the castle, " it being," says she, " the 
first time of my Comeing into it, after the pulling down of the old Castle, 
which was done some six Months before by Order of Parliament, 
because it had bene a Garrison in the late Civill Warres." She tells 
us that she was never till then in any part of the Castle, since she had 
been nine or ten weeks old, and in another place informs us that the 
only part of the building which at that time she could inhabit was the 
Long Gallery which had been biiilt for the Countess Eleanor. 

Ten days after her arrival at Skipton, she went off to Barden, 
" I went," says she, "into that old decayed Tower at Barden (it being 
the first time that ever I was in that Tower)." She found this in a 
complete state of ruin. It is interesting to notice how quickly she paid 
a visit to Barden, because, as we have already mentioned, she had not 
the slightest right to enter into that place. Her cousin had made 
definite arrangements with the Courts for cutting off that part of the 
estate and settling it upon his daughter, and into the possession of her 
descendants it eventually came, but it was not easy to fight with Lady 
Anne, and with respect to Barden, possession was nine points of the 
law, and as she intended it to include the tenth also, she went out 
immediately to Barden, took possession of it, and retained such pos- 
session the whole of her Hfe, even going so far as to bequeath that 
part of the estate to one of her daughters. It does not appear to 
be Ukely that she stayed the night at Barden, although it is of course 
possible that there was sufficient accommodation in the old retainer's 
house (still inhabited by a direct descendant of the Lister who fought 
at Flodden with Henry " the Shepherd Lord " Chfford) which was 
attached to the church, for her to remain. She was quickly back 
again at Skipton, where she stayed until the 7th of August, and then 


ig4 Lady Anne. 

removed to Appleby, resting on the way at Kirkby Lonsdale. On the 
8th of August, she entered into Appleby Castle, " The most auntient 
Seate of mine inheritance, and lay in my owne chamber there, where 

I used formerly to lye with my deare Mother being the first 

time 1 came into Appleby Castle aforesaid, ever since I went out of 
it with my Deare Mother, the 8th day of August in one thowsand 
sixe hundred and seven." She then adds one of her pious phrases, 
saying " So various are the pilgrimages of this humane hfe," and a 
quotation from Scripture, and as if to make the thing quite definite, 
records that from the death of her cousin German, Henry, " till this 
my comeing into Applebie Castle, was just five yeares and eight 
monthes, wanting three dayes." It is these five and three-quarter 
years about which we have practically no information whatever, save 
that which is contained in the papers from Lowther Castle. 

Ten days only she spent at Appleby, and then journeyed on again, 
this time coming to Brougham, passing through WhinfeU, arriving at 
the castle on the i8th of the month, " in which Castle and Parck," 
says she, " I had not bene since the gth of December one thowsand, 
sixe hundred, and sixtene (when I was then Countess of Dorsett) till 
this dale." She spent a certain time in Brougham, it is not clear 
how long, because she had somewhat confused the dates in her diary, 
but from Brougham she went on to the Castle of Brough, which was 
decayed, thence to the Castle of Pendragon, which was in a still 
worse condition, and finally to Wharton HaU, which had been the 
residence of her cousin. Lord Wharton, " where I had not been," 
says she, "since August or September, one thowsand sixe hundred and 
seven." Thence, after a second short visit to Skipton, she again 
returned to Appleby, and there it wels, as has already been noted, 
that she received the news of her husband's death, and quickly after- 
wards, removed from Appleby Castle again to Skipton, resting as before 
on the way at Kirkby Lonsdale. There at last she remained for a 
year, " the first time that I lay for a twelvemonth together in anie of 
my owne Howses." The places were all of them in a shocking state 
of niin, but probably Skipton was rather better than the rest, for 
she appears at first to have spent the greater part of her time in that 
place, and there it was that she commenced her repairs and alterations. 
One of her earliest actions was to cause the boundaries of the estate 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 195 

to be ridden,* and to sunamon all her tenants to attend at the various 
courts. " I employed myself in causing the Bounders to be ridden, 
and my Courts kept in my several Manors in Craven, and in those 
Idnd of Country Affairs about my estate which I fownd in extreame 
disorder." She also started at once such repairs as were absolutely 
necessary, both at Skipton and at Barden, in order that she might 
be able to receive guests, and to see something of her own relatives, 
and so speedily was one house put into some kind of rough repair, 
that, by the beginning of September, 1651, when her cousin Elizabeth, 
the only daughter of the last Earl, who was then Countess of Cork, 
came to her own house at Bolton in Craven, now known as Bolton 
Abbey, with her two sons and four daughters, she was able to come 
over and see Lady Anne at Skipton, and stay there for a time, " during 
which tyme there passed manie visits and Curtesies Betwixt her and 
mee, I lyeing sometymes at Bolton with her, and shee sometimes at 
Skipton with mee." " Notwithstanding," she adds, " that by reason 
she was Heire to her father Henerie, Earle of Cumberland, and I to 
my Father, George, Earle of Cumberland, there were divers Differences 
then on foote betwixt us, but " she adds in a delicious phrase, " wee 
passed them by." These difficulties no doubt concerned the Barden 
Tower estate, which was exceedingly close to Bolton Abbey, but Lady 
Anne must have given her cousin quite clearly to understand that she 
did not intend to give up that part of the property. Lady Cork did 
not remain very long at Barden, only about ten days, because the 
loth of September was the first time Lady Anne writes " I saw her 
or anie of her Children in the Northern parts, for then I dyned at 

2 It is stated that in 165 1 Lady Anne herself rode on horseback with the party when they 
rode the boundaries, and that either she or someone acting on her behalf marked certain 
boundaries with her initials. There is a definite tradition in the Mallerstang district which is 
borne out by the original boimdary warrants, still in existence, that the boundary through 
Sopkeld, otherwise Killing Close, goes to a crab tree which had been marked by Henry, Lord 
CUfford, great grandfather of the third Earl as his boimdary mark, and that in r65i when Lady 
Anne rode to the place, there was an ash tree standing on that spot. The warrant dated 165 1 
says that Mr. Clapham cut A. P. in the ash tree through the bark. When the boundaries were 
written in 1654 for the Earl of Thanet, the ash tree was specially noted, and the warrant declares 
that it still bore on its bark the initials A.P. The Mallerstang people believe the letters were cut 
by Lady Anne herself. This is not very hkely to have been the case. It was not, however, 
the only boundary that was marked with her initials, because each of these warrants refers 
to a stone pillar on Hugh Seat, Morville, having three steps of hewn stone, on one of which is 
marked a.d. 1664. This pillar is carefirlly referred to in tluree of the warrants. It is Item 17 
in the warrant of 1651, Item 15 in the warrant of 1684 and Item i? in that of 1906. 

196 Lady Anne. 

Bolton with them," and the 26th of that month " was the last tjrme 
I saw the Countess of Corck, my Cozen, at my Castle of Skipton, for 
then shee tooke her leave of mee there, and went a little while after- 
wards to Lonsboroughe and so upp to London." She adds the 
information that Lady Cork and her children remained in London 
till the beginning of September, 1652, but her husband, Lord Cork, 
was at Bolton for two or three months longer than his wife, and often 
came over to Skipton to see her. He eventually, however, left for 
London, and they all of them, she with her Lord and six children, 
went off to Ireland to his great estate there. 

The initial expenses connected with the necessary journey to 
Skipton and Barden were considerable, and ?t would appear as though 
Lady Anne was not possessed at that time of much ready money, 
and had to borrow from the Countess Dowager of Kent a hundred 
pounds for her travelling expenses. This money had been lent by 
Lady Kent against the security of a cabinet of silver gilt and crystal, 
and a cup of heliotrope or bloodstone. The earliest letter that we 
have from Lady Anne from the North, one dated 4th of January, 
1649-50, is addressed to her friend Christopher Marsh, who by that 
time had become her principal steward and secretary. She writes 
to him expressing her satisfaction that his wife had recovered her 
health, and her hope that his daughter Lucy would soon be better. 
She thanks him for his resolution that he would accept the position 
she had offered him in her service, and that he would take up on her 
behalf the difficulties that had immediately transpired concerning 
her tenants, which, if they were given against her would, she says, 
" soon sink my worldly fortunes." She tells Marsh that Sir Thomas 
Widdrington, Mr. Clapham, and Mr. Howell were " aU industrious 
and careful " on her behalf. We have already referred to a letter 
written to her by Mr. HoweU, he was evidently a lawyer of some 
position. Mr. Clapham was one of her stewards, and gave special 
attention to her jointure lands. There had some difficulty arisen al- 
ready in connection with the hereditary Sheriffwick of Westmoreland, 
for she desired her officials in this letter to be careful for her safety in 
the matter of the under-sheriff, and says " the under-bailiffs may 
prove dangerous creatures to her." She asks Marsh whether he has 
received a bill of exchange for a hundred pounds, which she lately 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 197 

sent him enclosed in a letter, and wishes to know when another of 
her secretaries, Edge, will receive a further hundred pounds, which 
he was to send on to her, and then she desires him that he would go 
to the " widow lady of Kent," and pay the hundred pounds that 
was to come from Edge to her, and receive back the cabinet and the 
cup which she had pawned to her for a hundred pounds when she 
came from London. In the British Museum is a letter dated two days 
after this and addressed to this Lady Kent. In it, Lady Anne says 
that she has arranged with the bearer of the letter, William Edge, 
to restore to her the hundred pounds which she borrowed of her a 
few days before she left London, and she desires Lady Kent to deliver 
up to Edge the Uttle cabinet and cup which she had left at that time 
" with your Ladyship to keep for me, so that he may have them in 
his custody, to dispose of as I shall write him word." She goes on to 
express her deep gratitude to her for her kindness. 


Your goodness and noble kindness has been so great and constant to me 
for so many years together, as that there is now no creature alive, man or 
woman, to whom I am so much obliged as to your worthy self, therefore do me 
the right to believe, I am. Madam, 

your Ladyship's cousin and most true, humble servant. 

There is a postscript to this letter, in which she tells us that in her 
troubles she had adopted her old procedure of turning to books, in 
order to forget ansrthing that was worrsdng her, and to relieve her 
mind by good literature. 

I pray your Ladyship, vouchsafe to remember my love and service to the 
worthy Mr. Seldon,' and tell him, that if I had not excellent Chaucer's bQok 
here to comfort me, I were in a pitable case, having so many troubles as I have 
here, but, when I read in that, I scorn and make light of them all, and a little 
part of his beauteous spirit infuses itself in me. 

Upon the back of this letter is Edge's receipt, dated February the 
last, 1649, being in these words : — 

Received then from the right Honourable the Countess of Kent, the 
silver and gilt and crystal cabinet, and a heliotropian cup, for the use of the 

* No doubt John Selden the great jurist (is84-i6S4)- 

igS Lady Anne. 

Right Honourable the Countess Dowager of Pembroke and Montgomery, upon 
the delivery of one hundred pounds which I then paid to her Honour. 

Not only were the castles in a very bad state of repair, but the 
tenants were in an irritable frame of mind, and quite early there were 
suits and differences in law, which, she says, " began to grow hott 
betwixt my tenants and mee." In 1653, these suits were still pending, 
as regards the Westmoreland tenants, " and God knows," she says, 
" how long they may last, but the differences with my tenants in 
Craven were for the most part resolved and taken up." It is stated, 
in one book of reference, that CromweU, having great regard for her 
ability, and also for the fact that her late husband had served him, 
offered the assistance of the officials of the Protectorate for creating 
some kind of order out of the confusion in which she found her affairs 
with her tenants, and that she, with some indignation, remarked, 
" Does he imagine that /, who Refused to submit to King James, 
wiU submit to him ? " CromweU seems to have been greatly amused 
at the calm way in which she dechned his assistance, and later on, 
when it was told her that if she built up her castles he would have 
them destroyed, she sent a message to him, so George Sedgwick 
tells us, sajdng, " Let him destroy them if he wiU, but he shall surely 
find that as often as he destroys them I will rebuild them, while he 
leaves me a shilling in my pocket." He expressed to those about 
him at Court, his great admiration for the only woman who had dared 
in such definite fashion to stand up against him, adding " let her 
build what she will, she shall have no hindrance from me." 

The confusion certainly must have been serious, and we are not 
surprised at the offer of the Protector to intervene on her behalf. 
For some years, certainly for five, the tenants had not been paying 
any rent, and had got wholly out of hand. During the more serious 
time of the Civil Wars, and especially at the time when King Charles 
was tried and beheaded, there was no agent holding the proper 
authority for the collecting of the rents, and, as we have seen, it was 
impossible for Lady Anne to go down herself to look after the estates. 
The boundaries had been overstepped in all directions, no manorial 
courts had been held, and it is small wonder that she found everything 
in a high state of disorder when she arrived. Added to all this, every 
castle was in a ruinous condition, not one was fit to live in. Sldpton 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 199 

and Appleby were perhaps the best of all, but Barden, Pendragon, 
Brougham and Brough were nothing more than piles of ruins, and 
she quickly made up her mind that they should all of them be restored. 
Her first step was to start the restoration of the great tower at 
Appleby, and she herself laid the foundation stone on the 21st of 
February, and records the fact that by July, 1653, these repairs had 
been completed, and the place was fit for residence. She had, so far 
as she was able to do so, ended the feud between Lady Cork, the 
daughter of her cousin, and herself, and become as friendly as she 
coiild with her, but as she had taken possession of an important 
piece of Lady Cork's property, and showed every sign of intending 
to hold it for the rest of her life, it was not Ukely that the friendship 
would be of a very intimate character. 

At Appleby she had the annoyance of a visit from Major-General 
Harrison, " who came hither," she says, " with his forces, for then 
the Warres was hott in Scotland." He filled Appleby with soldiers, 
" whoe lay there," she says, " a great part of thatt Somer," but 
she expressly adds that she did not suffer much harm or damage 
from them. She did, however, have a passage of arms with Harrison 
himself, and we learn the story of it from the funeral sermon 
preached by Bishop Rainbow on the occasion of her decease. He 
spoke of Harrison as being " more terribly phanatical than any 
in his Host, terrible even to himself and his usurping Power." 
Harrison declared that Lady Anne was sending assistance to some 
Royalist forces, and consequently working against the Protectorate, 
and Rainbow adds that Harrison, being unable to make proof of his 
statement, " would needs know her opinion, and dispute her out of 
her Loyalty at a time when she slept and lived but at his mercy, giving 
her Alarms night and day when he hsted." She was not, however, 
in the least ashamed, being amongst her own people, of declaring her 
definite opinions ; and the Bishop goes on to say that " this undaimted 
Lady would not so easily 57ield," and " having Truth and Loyalty 
on her side, she would not betray them at the peril of her Hfe and 
fortune, but boldly asserted " to Harrison " that she did love the 
King, that she would five and die in her Loyal thoughts to the King," 
and her courage made such an impression upon him that the Bishop 
says it " dulled the edge of so sharp an Adversary, that by God's 
merciful restraint he did her no harm at that time." 

200 Lady Anne. 

It was at this same time that she started the work of rebtdlding 
other parts of her castle at Appleby, to which fuller reference is given 
in another place, but one of her earliest desires was to gather about 
her a little group of high of&cials who would assist her in the manage- 
ment of her estate, and who would be devoted to her service. We now 
learn for the first time of Mr. George Sedgwick, who became her 
secretary. In one of the few entries in her own hand in the great 
diary is the one which records his entrance into her service. The 
amanuensis, who was working at the diary, seems to have omitted this 
particular piece of information, and so she wrote herself, " Now on 
this 24th of July, 1652, did Mr. George Sedgwicks come hither from 
London to me as my secretary and one of my chief officers." This 
man she had already known, and he himself has told his story of how 
first of all he came into contact with his mistress.* He had been 
educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, but when he took his 
degree and came home had not decided on an occupation, and 
straitened means prevented his following his original purpose. 

" My father," say^ he, " studying all ways and means to provide 
for me, God put into his mind to make use of a letter, which many 
years he had carefully kept, written from the Lady Margaret, Cotmtess 
of Cumberland, to my grandfather, Mr. Jeffrey Sedgwick, giving him 
many thanks for his upright dealing as a juror at York, in the great 
case there tried, between her daughter, then Countess of Dorset, 
and Francis, Earl of Cumberland, her uncle, with which letter she 
also sent my said grandfather half a buck, and a gold ring with this 
motto. Truth is crowned." He then goes on to tell us that his 
father one fine morning, taking the letter in his hand, went along 
with his son " to the Court at Whitehall," to wait upon Lady Anne, 
who was at that time the wife of Lord Pembroke, then Lord Chamber- 
lain of the Household. " As soon as that lady," says he, " saw that 
letter of her dear mother, whom she loved with an entire affection, 
she seemed very glad of a present opportunity she then had to do 
me good, so she sent forthwith for one of her Lord's secretaries, whom 
she called cousin,^ who was then destitute of a young clerk, and im- 
mediately preferred me to him. And with him I continued five or 

* See MS. quoted by Nicholson and Bum and dated December, i68a. 
^ Possibly Caldecott, see p. 184. 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 201 

six years, very happily and contentedly." Later on Sedgwick became 
secretary to Lord Pembroke himself, and then for a while to his 
successor, the next Earl, but time passed along and he was again out 
of employment, and then proposing to go to sea, when Lady Anne, 
who had a clear remembrance of him, sent for him and made him her 
secretary. He teUs us of this in the following words : — 

" But at this juncture of time the countess dowager of Pembroke, 
being then at her castle of Skipton, and hearing of my intention, 
dissuaded me by letters from so long a voyage, and invited me to 
come down to her, to write all her post letters, make all her leases, 
and receive and pay all her money, offering me a liberal allowance 
for the same. This course I rather embraced, being near my friends, 
and the place of my nativity, which all sorts of people love ; rather 
than run the hazard perhaps of ending my life among pagans and 
infidels in a foreign climate. 

So in August, 1652, I came down to Skipton where I began to do 
her ladyship the best service I could. Where after I had continued 
to my great contentment about four years, her ladyship then proposed 
to me her earnest desire for me to go over sea, into France, Flanders 
and the Low Coimtries, with her grandson Mr. John Tufton, since 
Earl of Thanet deceased. I was to take charge of him abroad some 
two years in those parts, and to order his exercises and expenses, for 
which she promised to give us good allowance. 

I must confess I had no great inclination to it ; but by reason of 
the manifold favours I had received from her, and the desire I had 
to see foreign countries, I could not in gratitude deny her ladyship 
the best service I was able to perform. 

According to her promise, she was pleased to assign us 400/. a year 
for our expences, for Mr. Tufton, his man, a footman and myself. 
Besides 50I. more for Mr. Tufton's cloaths yearly, and 20/. for my 
own. AH which money she took punctual order to be duly returned 
to us, by bills of exchange from London, to what place soever we were 
then at abroad. 

Before my going over sea, my lady gave me a rent charge of 20/, 
a year for 21 years, and 50^. in gold. At our return also 100/. in money, 
and another rent charge of 20/. a year, both of which I enjoyed tiU 
the expiration of those terms." 

202 Lady Anne. 

Sedgwick continued for a long time in Lady Anne's service, and 
was responsible for most of the letters which she dictated to him and 
for a great part of her diary and her Day-by-Day Book. He continues 
his narrative thus : — 

" After i8 years' service with this good lady she began to mind 
me of myself and my future well-being in the world, often repeating 
to me a verse of Mr. Samuel Daniel, the famous poet and historio- 
grapher, who had been her instructor in her childhood and youth : 

To have some silly homeT I do desire, 
Loth still to warm me by another's fire. 

She further declared her noble intention to me, that when I met with 
some small habitation, she would give 200/. towards the purchase, 
which she punctually performed. 

Within a while, God directed me to Collinfield, a small estate held 
under Queen Katherine, as part of her jointure, by a moderate rent and 
fine, convenient for the church and market, freed from all assizes and 
sessions ; where by God's blessing I enjoy a quiet and retired life to 
my contentment ; having oftentimes the society of several of my 
worthy friends and neighbours from the town of Kendal ; having 
lived here above 14 years at the writing hereof " [viz., in December, 
1682] .8 

To this information we are in a position to add a few facts. Collin 
Field is a quaint little manor house standing on the Milnthorpe road 
leading out of Kendal. The house is clearly a sixteenth-century 
erection, and stands round a little quadrangle of its own, the entrance 
porch bearing upon it an inscribed stone, which is by some authorities 
said to have come from Brougham Castle, but little can be said in 
favour of such a tradition. It bears upon it the following inscription : 
NUNC MEA Mox HVivs SED POSTEA NEScio cvivs together with the 
date 1663, and the three initials I.G. and M., the G. being super- 
imposed above the other two letters. In one of the rooms there is 
an interesting carved oak cupboard door which bears the initials 
of George Sedgwick and the date 1674. In another is an important 

' See Nicholson and Bum's History of Westmorland, vol. i. 

'See Cumb. (t West. Arch. Society, vol.ix, Art xiii., p. i88 and also Nicholson's Annals ol 




5 ^ 

•* ^- r-s< 

^ =^' 


■^ni CfiMcideij mt-Jtt' It'll jMm h> ii^J' <^ -/^^ ' 





To face page 203. 

Flinlos fir Mr. Paul Mason. 

(see pages 202 — 21 -.-i). 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 203 

carved oak series of cupboards forming a kind of pantry erection, 
in which doubtless silver-plate was at one time kept, and this 
also bears the initials G.S. and the date 1675. Upstairs in one 
of the fooms is a very interesting piece of stained glass — a roundel — 
on which is represented a man ploughing. This is probably earlier 
than Sedgwick's time. His father Jeffrey was living in the house 
in 1620, and the glass is at least as early as that date, possibly even a 
little earlier still. On the interior of the front door is a very striking 
record of the connection between Sedgwick and Lady Anne. The 
door bears one of the great stock locks inscribed A. P. which Lady 
Anne so frequently gave away, and similar to those at Rose 
Castle, Dacre Church and Dalemain House. Fortunately, also, the 
original key is preserved : a fine example of locksmith's work. 
Sedgwick lived in this house for many years, and here it was that 
he died in 1685 at the age of 67. He was buried at Kendal. His 
tomb cannot now be seen, as the pulpit covers it, but the inscription 
in curious Latin, commemorating his abiUties, is a simple framed 
memorial which hangs at the west end and next to the African War 
Memorial, and is probably a copy of that on the tomb.® 

In one of the rooms upstairs at Collin Field which had an oak 
floor, was at one time a fine carved oak bedstead on which were 
the letters A.P. This w£is presented by Lady Anne to Sedgwick, 
and was used by her on her various visits to her secretary. The 
same room contained a portrait of the redoubtable lady herself, 
which is stiU in existence. George Sedgwick left the property to his 
nephew George, who sold it in 1747 to the Yeates family, its present 
owners. Unfortunately, it has been allowed to fall into disrepair 
and is now (1919) only a small farmhouse, although worthy of being 
treated with far more care, inasmuch as with a comparatively small ex- 
penditure, it could be restored to very much of its original condition. 

' The inscription is as follows : — 

M.S. Viri vere Generosi, Plurimisque uominibus desideratissuni Georgii Sedgwick. Qui, 
Omnibus cultioris humanltatis dotibus, abunde ornatus Honorabili D.D. Philippo Comiti 
Penbrochiensi Celeberrmiae deinde illius Viduae Amanuensis sibi Locum meruit ; cujus 
familii (qua nemo Famulus non floruit) Annis pariter atque opibus auctus (monente munifi- 
centissim4 Doming Partis faeliciter fruendis Sedem Senectuti suae comparare) Fundum, huic 
Municipio vicinum, emit dictum CoUinfeild Vbi plus tribus lustris Singulari in pauperes 
Charitate, Amidtia in proximos, Erga omnes benevolentia Notis, omnibus Charus et amabilis 
vizit. Nee paudoribus flebilis obijt Dedmo Die Junii Anno Salutis Humans MDCLXXXLV 
Aetatis suae LXVIL 

204 Lady Anne. 

It was in the same year (1652) that she appointed Thomas Gabetis 
to be her deputy-sheriff for Westmoreland, by a signed and 
sealed patent, and although the actual document does not now exist 
among the records at Skipton, and is probably in the Crown office, 
yet it has been interesting to discover another document in which 
Gabetis is aUuded to, dated in the same year. We have before us 
the signed and sealed deed by which she appoints John King of 
Skipton her attorney, in order that he may deal with certain rents, 
ejectments, and other difficulties concerning certain tenantry in that 
place, and this is witnessed by her deputy sheriff, Thomas Gabetis ; 
by WiUiam Edge, to whom we have referred in connection with the 
loan made by Lady Kent upon the bloodstone cup ; and by George 
Sedgwick, who had just entered her permanent employ. It bears her 
stately and characteristic signature, and is sealed with the crest 
of the Clifford family, surmounted by an Earl's coronet. The elaborate 
twisted flourish at the commencement of the letter " A " in the word 
" Anne," she appears to have adopted when quite a child. It will be 
noticed in almost identical form in the first letter we have in her 
writing, addressed to her mother when she was fifteen years old. 

Her faithful servant, Gabetis, lived till 1694, and died at the age of 
eighty-six. He is buried in the church at Brough-under-Stainmore,* 
and appears to have spent the last few years of his life either in Brough 
Castle or close by. He is declared on his monument to have been 
forty years deputy-sheriff of Westmoreland and is said to have come 
originally from Crosby Ravensworth.^" 

' The quaint inscription to his memory reads thus : — 

Thos. Gabetis Esqre. 
The Wise, the Eloquent, the jvst 
Lyes here Interred amongst ye dvst 
Below, who Forty yeares and more 
Was sheriflEe, Now in Heaven's Store 
Was Fresh and Understanding too 
At 86 As Those That Woo 
When Death With Crooked Syth & glass 
Set out ye Bovnds he shvd not Pass 
Saint Like his Sickness And his Death 
So Sweet As Might Perfume ye Earth 
Doubtless ye Spottless Sovle of His 
Is gone into Eternal Bliss 

Obiit 25 Die Martii 

Anno Salvtis 1649. 
10 We believe that the present Gabitas family are from the same stock. 

Lady Anne Succeeds to her Estates. 205 

In the same church is buried another of her servants, George 
Vincent (already mentioned), steward of another portion of the 
estates. He died in the Roman Tower in Brough Castle, in 1665." 

Having started the repairs of the various places, arranged several 
questions respecting boundaries and rents, constituted her manorial 
courts, and appointed some of her chief officers, she had the opportunity, 
as soon as Harrison left, of giving some attention to domestic affairs, 
and so refers with considerable interest to different matters connected 
with the family which caused her great satisfaction. She speaks of 
the visit of Lord Thanet to her, the first time that she ever saw him 
at Skipton, and on that occasion teUs us that he brought with him 
his second son, John Tufton, who was her godson, and her particular 
favourite, and he made his first visit to Skipton and to Appleby 
before he went south to see his mother, and then on " to Eaton CoUedge, 
there to studdie for some tjnne and to Hve as a SchoUer." She aUudes 
to the birth of her daughter's eleventh child. Lady Mary Tufton, 
and " accounted " herself " happie to have a Grandechild of myne 
of that Blessed name." Curiously enough, in the book of her records, 
and in the pedigree of the Tuftons, she invariably spells the girl's 
name " Marie," although in all the accepted books of reference, it is 
recorded as Mary. She was able to keep Christmas, 1652, in the 
north, many of her family, including her grandchild John Tufton, 
about her, and she mentions that it was the first time any of her grand- 
children were with her in Westmoreland for Christmas, adding with 
characteristic ingenuity, " The Numerousness of my Posteritye and 
all other Benefits whatsoever, I believe were bestowed upon mee, 
for the Heavenly goodness of my Deare Mother." 

So she settled down, to start her Ufe in the north, and writes 
" I doe more and more fall in Love with the contentments and 
innocent Pleasures of Countrey Life." She wished with all her heart 
that these same pleasures might be conferred on her posterity. 
" But," adds she, " this must be left to a succeeding Providence, 
for none can know what shall come after them, but to invite them 
to itt that saying in the 16 Psalm may bee fittingly applyed, ' The 

^ This tomb is mscnbed : — "Here lyes Mr. George Vincent, Steward to Lady Anne 

and chief director of all her buildings in the North, who dyed in the Roman Tower of Brougli 
Caiitle like a good Christian i3 February, 1665." 

2o6 Lady Anne. 

lot is fallen into mee in a pleasant Place, I have a faire Heritage.' " 
She then proceeds to quote a verse of her tutor Samuel Daniel's 
poem : 

From many noble Progenitors I hold 

Transmitted Landes, Castles and Honors which they swayed of old. 

and adds 

A wise body ought to make their own homes the place of self-fruition. 

She never could forget the action of her mother in fighting for her. 
She says " All which Benefitts have beene bestowed upon mee for 
the heavenly goodness of my Dear Mother, whose fervent Prayers 
were offered upp with greate zeale to Almighty God for mee and mine, 
and had fine return of Blessings followed them, so that, though I mett 
with some bitter and wicked Enemies, and many greate oppositions 
in this world, yet were my deliverances soe greate as could not befall 
to any who were not visibly suste5med by a Divine favour from above." 
All was well at last. She had her entire estate and to keep it up, two 
substantial jointures, and had also succeeded at last to the legacy of 
fifteen thousand pounds which her father had left for her many years 
before. It was only now left for her, to devote her time to rebuilding 
her castles, and managing her vast estates, provided she could enter 
into proper relationships with her tenantry. They constituted her 
principal difficulty at the moment. The first case she took up in 
Chancery between her and them was dismissed, and she was left to 
her remedy at common law " to which business," says she, " God 
send some good conclusion, for it hath been both chargeable and 
troublesome unto mee." She did not allow matters to rest at that 
point, and as her tenants were obstinate and refractory, issued a series 
of ejectments, and then started a fresh trial concerning the leases of 
the estate, and adds in her customary pious fashion, " God send it 
good success." 

A Uttle bundle of papers that has recently been found at the Record 
Office supplies us -^ith some interesting information concerning 
these difficulties between Lady Anne and her tenants. Fortunately 
the bundle is extraordinarily complete for our purpose, for it not only 
contains two petitions from the tenants to the Committee for In- 
demnity, sitting during the time of the Interregnum ; but the arrange- 

Lady Anne Succeeds to ber Estates. 207 

ments between the respective solicitors for the hearing of the trial and 
the decision of the Committee. The two petitions are dated 
respectively 25 February, 1649 and 16 July, 1650. They are from 
edl the tenants of the Westmoreland estates, and bear attached to 
them a long list of names.^^ 

The tenants set forth that as neither Lady Anne nor her agents 
had demanded any rents for several years past, the rents had become 
in arrear. They say that she had now strictly demanded full pay- 
ment of all the rents, and that in response to their request to have 
what they called " such reasonable allowances and defalcations out 
of the rents and arrears " as had been arranged by ordinances and 
Acts of Parliament, she had utterly refused to make any such 
allowances, and by her stewards and agents had not only distrained 
upon her tenants, but had in many instances taken away their 
cattle, whereby say they, " they are utterly disabled to maintain 
their families, and to make tillage of their tenewents, their stock 
being wholly taken away for the reason aforesaid." They go on to 
add that they are extremely impoverished through the county having 
been both in the first and second wars the seat of war, that they have 
humbly entreated her to grant them these allowances, and that she 
" peremptually " refused, and they added finally that she had even 
imprisoned one of her own collectors, John Wardall, because he would 
not execute what these tenants considered to be " oppressive and 
unwarrantable demands," and that she had threatened to imprison 
others for the same reason. They prayed the Committee to force 
her to desist of what they termed " vexacious and injurious proceedings' 
to make such allowances as were desirable and to indemify them. 
Apparently all didnot go well with this petition, because it was followed 
by a second one in which the tenants appoint a solicitor, one Thomas 
Wharton, to represent them. They repeated in this all their 
accusations against Lady Anne, they even increased them and asked 
that an order that had been made on a previous May in respect to one 
or two of the tenants might be enlarged in favour of all of them, and 

12 It is of peculiar interest to notice that there are no less than eleven tenants now on the 
Westmoreland estate who bear the same names as the persons who signed this document. There 
are two members of the Rudd family, and two of the Hodgson family, and also two of the 
Bousfield family still tenants on the Clifford property, as well as representatives of the families 
of Wharton, Williamson, Monkhouse, Robinson and Shaw. 

2o8 Lady Anne. 

that a commission might be appointed to receive their evidence and 
to deal with the whole question, and then they promised obedience 
to its decision. 

There follows in the bundle a series of four little papers — arrange- 
ments between the respective solicitors that the matter should be 
postponed until November, 1650 — instructions that Lady Anne should 
attend at the hearing by herself or by someone on her behalf, and 
arrangements concerning the witnesses; the Justices of the Peace, 
who were to hear part of the appeal ; the places where the Commission 
was to sit ; and finally an informal arrangement that during the time 
of hearing Lady Anne was to forbear " to prosecute the petitioners 
by arrest or imprisonment." 

On the 26th November, 1650, the Commissioners gave their decision. 
They stated that they had given serious consideration and debate 
to the whole matter, that council and witnesses had been heard on 
both sides, but they did not consider that the tenants had proved their 
right to these allowances, and that certainly they could not give any 
judgement concerning any such reductions. They ordered, therefore, 
that the petition should be dismissed, and they added that Lady Anne 
should be left " to her own proceedings as she shall see cause." 

It was at about this time of her Ufe that she appears to have 
started her Day-by-Day Book, the greater part of which, unfortunately, 
has disappeared, but she also, in this very same year, 1652, originated 
what we now call her Diary, but which she always called " A summarie 
of my own Ufe," and which she expressly tells us was commenced in 
1652, and written up at different intervals from the material already 
in existence in other parts of her great volumes of records, and from 
what she deemed worthy of more prominent notice in the Day-by-Day 
Book. It is to the pages of this summary that we are indebted for 
most of the information that will appear in the succeeding chapters. 
What is set down is not a question of hearsay, as must have been the 
case for some of the material written before 1652, but from this date 
onwards it was a bare record of facts. 

Of the very few last months of her life we shaU be able to refer to 
the actual Day-by-Day Book, as we have been able to discover a few 
pages of that volume which, in its entirety, must have been of 
considerable importance. 




LORD Dorset's will was dated the 26tli of March, 1624, and by 
it he left to his " dearly beloved wife all her wearing apparel, 
and such rings and jewels as were hers on her marriage," also 
the " rock ruby ring " which he had given her, and " threescore 
pieces of silver, containing in the whole eleven hundred and sixty 
ounces," referred to in an inventory dated 1623. Furthermore, she 
was to have " six silver candlesticks " which were then in the custody 
of his "servant Edward Lindsey," and which weighed " 128 ounces," 
three silver Basons and Ewers, ordinarily used at Knole, " half of the 
linen " there, and his carroch or coach, which had been built by 
Meffljoi, was lined with green cloth and laced with green and black 
silk lace, and his six bay coach horses to draw it. He also left her 
£500, and he bequeathed to his two daughters portions, the one of six 
thousand pounds, and the other of four thousand pounds, adding that 
the two hundred pounds which he had "in old gold" was also to 
be delivered to his two daughters. He made particular arrangements 
about the pajmients of his debts, and bequeathed to his uncle. Lord 
William Howard, one of his executors, two hundred pounds, " either 
for a ring, or plate, which he may prefer, as a token of good will and 
love," and in no way, he added " as a recompense for the pains he 
hath already taken, for which no satisfaction can be made." A similar 
legacy was bequeathed to the other executor Sir George Rivers,^ 
" his faithful and loving friend." The will contained a legacy to his 
cousin and goddaughter Mary Nevill,^ of five hundred pounds, which 
she was to receive at the age of eighteen years, and bequests to many 

1 Knighted, August 30th, 1605. 

* Third daughter of Thos., ist Earl and wife of Sir H. Nevill afterwards Lord Abergavenny. 


210 Lady Anne. 

of his servants, three of them receiving a hundred pounds each, and 
one £40, while to several others there were annuities, one receiving 
£40 a year, three others £30 each, and three £20 each. To servants 
of lesser importance were left annuities of twenty marks a year. The 
whole estate was bequeathed to his executors with power to seU the 
manor of Hove or any other manor for the payment of his debts, as 
he was, says the will, " desirous above all things that debts should 
be paid," and it refers lengthily to arrangements made by previous 
indentures concerning the manors, all of which were to come to his 
brother, who succeeded him in the title, together with the residue of 
his silver and household goods, after the payment of debts, or after 
raising money for that purpose. To the clauses relative to Sackville 
Hospital and to those concerning his tomb I refer in another place. 
His apparel was to be divided amongst his servants, except certain 
specially rich state apparel, which was left to his brother, and an 
embroidered suit, which was to go to Captain Sackville. By a codicil, 
a particular cloak was left to his wife. 

There is a small bimdle of letters in the mimiment room at Appleby 
from Lady Anne to her friend and steward Mr. Christopher Marsh. 
They aU relate to the period when she made her first visit to the 
north, the earliest being dated the 28th of February, 1649, ^^^ ^^ 
latest November, 1653. It may be well, therefore, to deal with 
these letters in this chapter, especially as one or two of them are 
concerned with the legacies mentioned above. 

In the earliest letter in the group, dated 28th of February, 1649, 
and written from Skipton Castle, she tells Mr. Marsh that she has 
heard by letters " lately come from several fellows " from London, 
" that my late Lord's goods are sold and disposed of apace, so," 
she says " if you do not use moneys speedily to " the executors, " that 
I may have right done me for my small legacy, I am like to have but 
a cold catch of it." Referring to wishes expressed by Lord Northamp- 
ton, she teUs Mr. Marsh that " whatsoever my Lord of Northampton 
and his wife, my daughter, wishes " was to be done, " and then they 
cannot blame me for it hereafter." She thanks Mr. Marsh for his 
advice concerning a house which she possessed in Salisbury Court, 
and also about the property at Clifford's Inn, and adds respecting this 
London estate, " My Lady of Cork will cozen me of it, if she can." 

Another Bundle of Letters. _ 211 

She understands that Baynard's Castle was likely to be sold. If it was 
not so, she would sooner stay there than anywhere else, if ever she came 
to London agtiin, and so she wishes him to make an inquiry whether 
or not it will be in the market. Mr. Marsh had evidently written to 
her concerning a servant whom she speaks of as " old John Morton," 
and who had left Lord Thanet's employment. She says " I am sorry 
my Lord of Thanet hath put him away, but I cannot take him, for 
I have a porter already, one at Appleby, and another here." 

She sends particularly kind messages to Lady Kent, Mr. Selden, 
and Sir Edward Leach,* who had all been, she says " worthy kind 
friends to me," and she expresses much satisfaction at hearing that 
Mr. Marsh had come into contact with her cousin Robert Lowther, 
whom she hopes will represent her in her manorial courts. She owes 
him some money, which she begs Mr. Marsh to pay him, but in a 
postscript she says that she has just heard that he will wait for his 
money until May, and for this delay she is very grateful. She tells 
Mr. Marsh that she will be " most extreamely glad " to see him down 
at SMpton. 

The next letter we have from her is dated the 19th of April, and a 
portion of it is quoted in the chapter concerning her diary, as it relates 
to the writer of the book and to the paper upon which it is written; 
She explains the cause of her long silence. " I write the seldomer," 
she puts it, " because it costs so much money for the sending of the 
letters, and we have so Uttle store of that in these parts." She 
expresses regret that her cousin Richard Lowther was not able to sit 
as steward at her courts, and says that in his place she appointed 
Mr. John Thwaites. The other part of the letter refers to the enclo- 
sures, which were bills of exchange, and contains instructions both to 
Marsh and to Edge to pay one or two special accounts, and some 
other " little dribhng notes," which she owed. 

We have three letters dated December of that year, each of them 
of some length. In the first, which has not the day of the month; 
but which must have preceded one dated the nth, she refers in kindly 
fashion to Mrs. Marsh. " I perceive, when you writ your last letter 
to me, you were then agoing to your wife at Chenies " [where the 
Marshes lived, as he evidently was concerned in the management of 

* JCaighted, Sept. gth, 162;, 

212 Lady Anne. 

part of the Earl of Bedford's estate] who it seems had been very sick 
there a little before. " I pray you commend me very kindly to her, 
and tell her that by the next return, I hope I shall hear of her recovery. 
Thank you," she adds, " for giving order before your going from 
London, to Mr. Christopher Clapham to send for me from Chenies " 
certain papers apparently referring to lawsuits " for if I should be 
foiled," she adds, " in this suit-in-law between me and my tenants 
here in Westmoreland, I and my posterity should have our fortimes 
in this country in a manner quite overthrown, however," she says, 
"follow it hard, as ever you love them or me, and if it pleases God to 
send me the victory, I will in general be as mild, gentle and good to 
my tenants as anybody ever was, but withoiit going to law with them, 
I am like to get nothing from them." She refers with great gratitude 
to the assistance of all her officials, especially " good and kind 
Mr. Clapham, Sir Thomas Widdrington * and Mr. Howell," « " God 
reward them for it." She directs Marsh to deliver to John Howell 
her lawyer £io, " for I perceive he hath done passing well in my 
business." She also instructs him to pay Mr. Clapham, " for what 
he hath laid out in this law business of mine," and to pay several 
other people their debts, and then she tells him that, when he comes 
to town, he is to buy a piece of silver plate to the value of four or 
five pounds or more, and hand that to Mr. Clapham, to give to Mr. 
Rushworth, " as twas me," and he was also to give him four or five 
twenty-shilling pieces, in addition to the piece of plate, " for," says 
she, " he hath done me many favours and kindnesses since I came 
into the North, as Mr. Clapham can tell you." She evidently felt a 
deep sense of gratitude for the services rendered to her both by 
Mr. Clapham and Sir Thomas Widdrington, for in a postscript to this 
letter she says, " For Mr. Christopher Clapham, I will, as God shall 
enable me, requite his pains in one way or another, and Sir Thomas 
Widdrington, I will, if I can, send him something that is fit, from here, 
or if I cannot, I will write you word, and then you shall deliver him 
something from me, as I shall write you word, but," she goes on to say, 

* A Commissioner of the Treasury, and later on of tlie Great Seal and eventually a Baron of 
the Exchequer. 

^ Probably the Serjeant ol later days who in 1668 became Sir John Howell and Deputy 
{Recorder for the City of London, 

Another Bundle of Letters. 213 

" if you should be pinching or sparing of costs in this law suit of mine 
against my tenants here, you might therein do me much harm." 

Lord Northampton apparently was to have received for his wife 
five thousand pounds out of the money that had been taken by the 
Earl of Dorset for the Craven estate, and she was anxious to know 
whether he had yet obtained it. She tells Marsh to write her word 
as soon as he can know with certainty whether Lord Northampton 
has received it, or, if not, how much he has had, " for it is very needful 
for me to know the certainty of it, but," says she, " handle this inatter 
with some cunning, for I would not have it known that I inquire 
after it, but do it as from yourself." The remainder of the letter 
refers to the dispute between her and her tenantry concerning certain 
money matters connected with the estate, not of any special import- 
ance, and about some of them it is not easy, after this lapse of time, 
to understand her meaning. 

On the nth Lady Anne writes again .about the controversy with 
the tenants, and about one section of the lawsuit she is desirous of 
driving to a conclusion. She says, " If it be possible, let some end 
be made of it, or else it wiU be extremely prejudicial to the land." 

Lady Cecilia Compton had written to her. " My cousin Compton," 
she sajTS, " writ to me lately a letter of kindness, but no business, so 
I did not return any answer to it, but desired my daughter of North- 
ampton to excuse me for not writing to that aunt-in-law of hers for 
many reasons." There was evidently some friction between her and 
Lady Cecilia, and she was not able to obtain a business-like letter 
from her. Until she wrote in the way Lady Anne desired, she did 
not intend to bother herself about corresponding with her. She then 
refers to a consultation which had taken place in Sir Thomas Wid- 
drington's chambers concerning the suit against the tenants. Mr. 
Howell, Mr. Clapham, and others had met in consultation. It had been 
decided that the best course was to sue a writ in Chancery, and this 
had been submitted to Lady Anne. To it she agreed, and instructed 
Marsh to start the arrangements at once, but says that, if the tenants 
" will come to offer me some reasonable conditions of peace and 
agreement, I assure you, I will embrace and accept of them with aU 
my heart, for," says she, " I love law and lawsuits no better than 
you do." There is the briefest possible reference to public events in 

214 Lady Anne. 

this letter. She says, " I perceive there be troubles in France by 
your letter, which Thomas Garth also told me." 

Then, on Christmas Day, she writes again, sending to Marsh a biU 
of exchange for a hundred pounds, and asking him to let her know 
that it had safely arrived, and begging him not to be sparing in using 
it for the law action, " for if you be," says she, " you may do me 
much harm." Forty pounds of it was to go to Matthew Hale,* five 
to his cousin and servant Mr. Joseph Poynes (probably his clerk) and 
they were to sign an acquittance for these sums, which she enclosed 
with the letter, " only the date for the day and year I have left out, 
as not knowing what day it wiU be paid on, and when you have them, 
send them endorsed in the letter to me, and entreat them both to be 
careful in this business of mine." Furthermore, she gives instructions 
for a pajmient of five pounds to be made to Lord Tufton, and a similar 
sum to Mr. Jenkins, and makes inquiries concerning the ;^I50 she stiU 
owes Robert Lowther, her cousin, telling Marsh that she has had a 
talk with Sir John Lowther, his nephew, about it, and that she has 
agreed to pay that presently, together with three pounds interest. 
She concludes by saying, " I perceive your wife and your daughter 
Lucy hath been lately ill both of them, but I hope by this time they 
are perfectly recovered. Commend me to them," and she then at 
the end refers to the fact that some of the writs which were sent 
down to be served on the tenants were not accurately drafted, and 
says that Mr. Howell and Mr. Clapham wiU tell him all the details 
concerning them. There are comments on this letter in Marsh's 
handwriting, saying that he had paid various sums of money out of 
the himdred pounds, which she had sent him. 

In the order of date, the next letter is one written from Skipton 
on the 25th of March, 1650, and sent to Mr. Edge at Baynard's 
Castle, to be given to Marsh, who was probably coming to that house, 
or else, if he did not come, it was to be sent down to Chenies. She 
says that her commissioners, who were five in number, and who 
consisted of her cousin Sir Henry Chohnondely, Mr. Charles Fairfax, 
Mr. Christopher Clapham, Mr. Peter Jermings, and Mr. Robert Hitch, 
had commenced their sittings concerning her affairs in the great 

* Baron of the Exchequer 1660, Justice of Common Pleas 1654, Sir Matthew and Chief 
Justice of the King's Bench 1671. 

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Another Bundle of Letters. 215 

chamber at the castle, summoning the tenants before them. She says 
that they sat for seven days, " I sitting myself for the most part with 
them." " In conclusion, we did compound so with some of my 
Craven tenants, as that I hope shortly to send my son-in-law part of 
the money I owe him from here, and also pay some few of my debts 
in this country and elsewhere." The fact that the rents had not been 
paid for some five years had made many of the tenants indisposed to 
pay anything, but the commissioners, it is clear, had been successful 
in arranging terms, and some of the money due to Lady Anne was to 
come in to her. The Westmoreland tenants were not as easy. " My 
tenants in Westmoreland, some of them, did put in a petition, a very 
untrue one, in many places against me, to the Parliament, and to the 

Committee of Indemnity but it came not till very lately," 

says she, " to my hands." She forwards in this letter a copy of the 
petition which was to be given to Mr. John Howell the lawyer, and 
she begs Marsh to join with him in pushing this matter forward. 
"Give Mr. Howell," she says, "what you think fit for his pains in this 
my business, if you have brought my rents out of Sussex." She was 
evidently anxious that there should be proper " quittances " for any 
money that was paid, so as to avoid complications in the future. 
" I pray you," says she, " fail not, when you and Jack Turner deliver 
the five hundred poimds to my daughter of Northampton, to take 
her quittance, and her lord's, vmder their hands, at least his, in a legal 
way, to show they have received it, as a part of that which is due 
to him out of my lands in Craven, for so the quittance must be drawn, 
or else I have wrong." Turner, to whom she had alluded, was the 
person who had received her rents in the Isle of Sheppey, and she begs 
Marsh to give him any assistance in his power, and to let him have in 
his possession a copy of her jointure deed, and of all the deeds belonging 
to it, or, if he thinks fit, he may let him have the jointure itself. She 
then goes on to remind him to press forward the steps he was already 
taking concerning her legacy against Lord Dorset's executors. 
" The legacy my Lord left me, if so I may have it set out speedily 
before all be gone," and she says that she would also like to have 
" some of my Lord's diamond buttons," or some of those kind of 
things, adding, " They might do me much good for some kind of 
purpose," her apparent desire being to get something that would be 

2i6 Lady Anne. 

of some monetary value, in case she was not able to obtain the whole 
of her small legacy from the executors. 

We then come to a long letter written on the 15th of July, the 
greater part of which is the work of an amanuensis, but she has added 
to it a postscript almost as long as the letter itself. Some considerable 
part of it relates to the dispute concerning SackviUe College, which 
I refer to in another place. She says " I perceive by your last letter 
that you will be wary in giving too much for the value of the stuff 
which is my legacy from my late Lord, wherein " says she, " you 
shaU do very weU, for anything I can perceive by the notes I have 
had of it, from William Edge, it is so poor and so contemptible .... 
and it is worth very little, yet," she says, " sooner than have any 
difference with my Lord's executors about it " she will give whatever 
is considered right, but wishes the matter brought to an end, and the 
things, or the stuff, as she calls it, sent down by sea, for fear that she 
should never have it. She was evidently unable to get the business 
matter between herself and her cousin Lady Ceciha Compton settled, 
she says that it was being delayed, and that Lord Northampton was 
accepting the delay. It was not wholly her concern. " I have little 
interest now in that business," she says, " it being whoUy in my 
daughter of Northampton and her lord." 

She gives a scrap of public news, for she says " I perceive that 
General Cromwell hath been very kind imto my Lord of Northampton 
about his composition," and she sa37s " I pray God send I may hear 
it may come to good end speedily." In her lengthy postscript, she 
apologies for the hand of the amanuensis, " I am glad now and then to 
get another to write for me, being tired and much moiled sometimes 
with my business here at Appelby, where I find many and strange 
oppositions, which nevertheless I hope I shall with patience pass over." 
Marsh had evidently told her that he could not come down to SMpton. 
" I see by your letter that you doubt you shall not come hither to me 
this summer, which, when I read it, did even make me shed to some 
tears, for you cannot desire to see me more than I desire to see you, 
but if I should stir from home before I have done some things in my 
business here to the purpose, my worldly fortunes in these northern 
parts in Craven and Westmoreland would slide back to the wonted 
ill habit again, for I did not receive out of Westmoreland more than 

Another Bundle of Letters. 217 

half the rate of two hundrd or three hundred a year at the most, till 
I came thither m5reelf." 

Marsh was evidently not keen on the series of lawsuits she was 
starting concerning her lands. He was not on the spot, and did not 
understand her position, nor did he quite realise that he had to do 
with a mistress who was most tenacious of her rights, and was deter- 
mined to lose none of them, even though, as in some instances, it 
cost her as much to obtain these rights as they themselves were in 
value. He had expostulated with her, and in reply she says, " you 
cut my heart with unldndness, when you do in a maimer, in your 
letter, hit me in the teeth with my suits-in-law, which is not to be 
avoided by me, except I would let the rights belonging to me in 
Craven and Westmoreland be utterly ruined to me and my posterity. 
Believe me, Gilbert Crock, the attorney or solicitor, proved a very 
slippery or dishonest part in my business." She refers then to some 
pa,rticular tenant who had not been paid all the arrears that she owed 
to him, apparently one of her tenants in the Isle of Sheppey, and she 
says " If Mr. Jenkins be not paid all the arrears I owe to him, I shall 
take it very ill from you." 

With respect to the Under-sheriffwick of Westmoreland, there had 
already been some differences of opinion. She says that Marsh had 
sent her a letter from Mr. Dodsworth, wherein he had told her that 
her cousin Richard Lowther had taken a wrong course about the 
deed of attorney appointing the under-sheriff of Westmoreland. 
Richard Lowther agreed with Dodsworth's opinion, and came to the 
conclusion that there must be an alteration in the deed. " I know 
not," she says, " what to think of it, except you set it right. I have 
now written to them both in this matter," and there "it must be 

On the 7th of October, 1650, she wrote to Marsh from Skipton, 
again by the hand of her amanuensis, to acknowledge the receipt of 
a trunk which had been brought to her " safe and well," and which 
contained a fur cloak, and also all the silver plate which her husband 
had bequeathed to her, together with various other things which she 
was exceedingly glad to receive safely. Marsh was on the point of 
going down into Sussex to see about her jointure lands, and she advises 
him very strongly to go and consult Sir Thomas Widdrington and 

2i8 Lady Anne. 

Mr. Howell, " to confer with them both about my business before 
your going into Sussex, so you set things concerning my business in 
some order with them." She announces that in ten days' time, she 
intends to send her steward and her deputy sheriff, Clapham and 
Gabetis ; up to London, to see to the Chancery matter which was 
going forward concerning the tenants in Westmoreland. She says 
that they were treating her as imkindly as ever, and yet giving out 
that they had a desire to agree with her, therefore " God be my helper 
in it," she adds. She tells Marsh that, in aU probability, by the time 
he returns from Sussex, he will find Gabetis Eind Clapham in town. 
To this letter, she adds a brief postscript in her own handwriting, 
which appears to relate to the diamond buttons to which she had 
referred before. " If it be possible," says she, " between you and 
Jack Turner, let me have the buttons, and the five rubies bought for 

The next letter is dated from the same place, and on the very same 
date. She had evidently just received a letter from Marsh, apparently 
of a somewhat learned character. " I think," sa}^ she, " neither you 
nor any man else ever writ a wiser letter, which I have not now time 
to answer, because the messenger stays that carries them to the post, 
but I will often remember your sayings out of Antonius and out of 
Seneca. I perceive," she adds, " your wife is so sickly that you are 
not likely to go this winter to Canonbury. I pray God direct her and 
you in all your purposes." 

Money was rather scarce at the time she was writing, for she 
goes on to say that she desires Marsh to pay to Lord Northampton 
what money he can spare out of her rents, but not to take the sum 
that was due to himself, " for if you can forbear," says she, " the 
receiving of your own, for which you know yourself and wife and 
daughter have good security ; then I shall be made, and you may do 
my Lord Northampton a great pleasure, and my other business will 
be weU done." 

He had a hundred pounds in gold which he had received of rents, 
and that he was going to send down to her, but she says, " Upon better 
consideration, I had rather it were paid to my Lord of Northampton 
than sent down to me." In the next sentence we learn that somebody 
(and of the female sex), was striving to do her some harm. It may 

Another Bundle of Letters. 219 

possibly be that Lady Cecilia Compton was not acting fairly towards 
her, but we are not told who the person was. " Concerning the 
scheming lady," she says, " I have had more experience of late of her 
craft and subtlety than ever heretofore, and therefore be confident 
I will look well to myself." Again, she adds a postscript in her own 
writing to the following effect, " If my Lord Tufton happen to be 
hard up, pay him the five pounds or more. I would to God he would 
come hither to me for some three or four months." 

Then, in about a fortnight, she wrote again to Marsh also from 
SMpton, and by the hand of her amanuensis. Marsh was at Lewes, and 
she had received a letter from him, dated from that place, " whereby 
I understand you have for the present allayed the storm of the sheriffs 
and bailiffs about the Court of Wards business, which I am heartily 
glad of. I beseech God that we may get weU off in the conclusion, 
for you and I know full well that every penny was duly paid into the 
Court of Wards for the wardship of both my daughters. You have 
played the wise man in this business very much. I caimot as yet 
find any quittances concerning it, but if I do, you shall have them 
sent up, and my desire to you is, that you should not grieve yourself 
too much with regard to my business, for what cannot be avoided 
I must of necessity submit unto, though it be for part, or all, of that 
five hundred pounds." She then goes on to say how glad she is to 
hear that " Lord Tufton has gained the love of so many (now in his 
disasters) as you write of. If he be in London," says she, " when you 
return out of Sussex, give him twenty pounds from me, and I will 
allow it unto you in your accounts." Furthermore she wishes Marsh 
to ask Lord Tufton to come down and see her. " I shall be very glad 
to have him here for two or three months, tiU the anger of his father 
be overpast." There was a Mr. WaUey (or Wallop) who was a friend 
of Lord Thanet's, and she asks Marsh if he was still with Lord Thanet. 
She hopes very much that he was, because, says she, " he was a good 
friend to my Lord Tufton." She had already instructed Marsh to pay 
Mr. Howell a considerable sum of money, and was very anxious that 
he should have it quickly. " I pray you, fail not to give to Mr. Howell 
to the full what I formerly appointed you, for he doth deserve that 
and a great deal more, as is evident by his replication to the tenants ' 
answer which he hath sent for my approbation, wherein he hath 

220 Lady Anne. 

expressed much of his wisdom and goodness towards me and my 
business." She also gives instructions for the pa3niient of 20s. to a 
Mr. Coppleston, who was her cousin, and once again adds a postscript 
in her own handwriting, " If my business against my tenants in 
Westmoreland stand not well this term, they will be more insulting 
than ever." 

By 1653, which is the date of the last letter from Lady Anne in 
the bundle, George Sedgwick was firmly fixed in the saddle and 
carried on her correspondence. This letter is a curious one, because 
the first part is written by Sedgwick, and then Lady Anne adds a 
postscript. Below that, Sedgwick adds a second postscript, and then 
lower down still. Lady Anne put a third. The letter, which is dated 
the 3rd November, 1653, complains to Mr. Marsh that she has not 
heard from him, " which doth a httle trouble me," says she, " but I 
have this week received a letter from Mr. Howell," in which he teUs 
her that he had heard "from Marsh." Apparently Marsh was down 
in Sussex, attending to matters concerning the jointure and Sackville 
College, to which I refer later on. Then comes Lady Anne's first 
postscript in her own handwriting. " I pray you, when you come 
to London, fail not to help Mrs. Whitting the widow all you can in 
her business with my Lord of Northampton, which I think you are 
bound to do in conscience, because you got her to lend it to his Lord- 
ship's father." Sedgwick adds, " You must be sure that between 
you and Jack Turner Mr. Walley may be paid what is due to himself." 
and then Lady Anne writes again, " I hope you fail not, by as soon as 
you come to London, to pay Mrs. Taylor, Richard Garrett and others 
that you know should have it from me, and especially that for my 
godson, to Sir Ch. Har:." ' 

The only other letter of consequence in the bundle is not from Lady 
Anne, but from HoweU her lawyer, and was sent down to her at 
Brougham, by the hand of a Mr. Fawcett of Kendal. She has endorsed 
it to the effect that it was concerning certain claims that were to be 
made, and that it relates to the loss or miscarriage of the records of 
the last assizes. She had evidently written to him a letter complaining 
of the slow progress of her affairs. " I find how sensible," Howell 

' Perhaps Sit Christopher Haifieet of Kent, knighted May 21st, 1619 at Greenwich. 

Another Bundle of Letters. 2i2i 

says " you are of the slow progress in your lawsuits, and of the burden- 
some charge and correspondence thereto. Truly, Madam," he adds 
" no man can be more deeply affected with your complaint than 
myself, heartily wishing it in my power to give you redress. It is too 
too much," says he, " that your Honour should condescend to conjure 
me (your poor servant) by the remembrance of long acquaintance 
and friendship (words of great attraction and such as I am unworthy 
to repeat) to expedite your troubles. How can a free and willing 
heart stand in need of such incitements, or an ingenuous spirit bear 
the sting thereof. I must bewail," he adds, " my unhappiness in 
silence, as one whose power is less than his will, and his heart more 
full than his pen. Be pleased to vouchsafe me one word for all, and 
deal with me and mine according to the clearness of my mind, and as 
I have done and endeavoured, and shall do and endeavour, in your 
Honour's affairs, which endeavours I pray may be acceptable, as they 
are sincere." 

It is clear from aU this that she had a good and painstaking lawyer ^ 
fit her disposal, and one who was anxious to push forward her legal 
matters, but that, as usual, there were in the progress of these suits, 
innumerable delays. Of one of the persons whom he was opposing, 
he says in quite modern phraseology, " He made use of all the delays 
that could be found out, which hath made the suit long and chargeable." 
There was some reason at this stage of the dispute, for Lady Anne to 
be more than ever definite with respect to some of the lands in York- 
shire upon which she had not yet made entries. He says " I find your 
Honour desirous to be advised touching claims to the lands in York- 
shire that were leased out by your uncle (or cousin) of Cumberland. 
As for that, I presume you have already made entries (i.e. entrance) 
in the several farms, or, if that hath been done but in some of them ; 
it may be done when you please in the rest, for, as to those lands," 
he adds, " you are not concluded by not claiming within five years, 
neither is there any need of such claims in relation to the death of the 
Earl of Pembroke or otherwise, and therefore those that do inform 
your Honour that claims are necessary in this case are much mistaken. 
When entries are made, the possession is to be demanded of the 
tenants, and if they refuse to deliver it, your course is by way of 

' Later on be was Sir John and Deputy Recorder for the City. 

222 Lady Anne. 

ejectment to avoid their leases and to put them out of possession, or 
else there may be occasions of trespass brought for the damages 
done after such entries, according to former directions given by me 
and others of your Council in matters of the same nature." I refer 
to these claims lower down, but Mr. HoweU's statement concerning 
the law of the day is very clear. The difficulty was with respect of 
the leases for two or three lives, subject to fines ® which the two last 
Earls of Cumberland had granted, when they raised the money to 
pay Lord Dorset. 

Howell then goes on to tell her of one unfortunate circumstance con- 
nected with the last assizes in Westmoreland, in which her affairs had 
been considered. " All the papers were lost in coming up to London, as 
yet there are no tidings of them, and what course wiU or can be taken 
to make them good, is not yet considered of. I am afraid," says he, 
" there can be no help unless they can be found again, such a misfor- 
tune as this none could foresee nor prevent, but every party concerned 
must sit down with patience and damage." The last reference in the 
letter is to the suit which Howell was taking concerning the London 
property, Clifford's Inn. He says that attendance was being given 
at the Committee of Indemnity, then sitting at Worcester House 
concerning it, " but what course the Committee will steer, we know 
not yet. Prescription is likely to be your best title, we shall understand 
more shortly of their intentions." He apologises for the trouble he 
gives her, but tells her that he is directing Mr. Clapham in everything, 
and presents his own and his wife's most hiunble acknowledgments to 
her. The letter was one of special importance, on account of the 
legal information it conveyed, and was therefore carefully preserved. 
With it at SMpton was the copy of a case which had been stated, 
probably for the opinion of counsel concerning the award, and the 
steps being then taken respecting the lands let out on leases. It 
is not actually dated, but it appears to have been completed on the 
1st December, 1653. It refers in the preamble to the suits and 
controversies that there were at one time depending, to the fact that 
Francis, Lord Cumberland, and Henry, Lord Clifford, together with 
Lord Dorset, submitted themselves to the King, to the award made 

' Leases subject to fines for renewal upon the death of the Lord or the death of the Tenant 
are still the custom on the Clifford copyhold estates belonging to Lord Hothfield. 

Another Bundle of Letters. 223 

by King James on the 14th of March in the 14th year of his reign, 
under the Great Seal, and to the sum of money, twenty thousand 
pounds in all, which Lord Cumberland was to raise on the estates, and 
to pay to the Earl of Dorset for the right to hold the land. It then 
goes on to state, in a somewhat complex legal sentence, that Lord 
Dorset had tied up certain lands as security until he had actually 
received the money of twenty thousand pounds from Lord Cumberland, 
and to this Lady Anne makes shrewd comment, " If I had put my 
uncle of Cumberland in suit for this clause it may be, might have 
proved something; but neither I, nor any for me, having conceived 
to put him to suit after the award was made, this clause is of no effect ! ! " 
At the end of the elaborate clause, she makes a footnote to the same 
effect, " I did never commence suit against my uncle of Cumberland, 
so £is this clause cannot be judicial to the Earl of Dorset." Further 
on, for a third time she refers to the matter in a note. " The suits 
which I commenced were against my Westmoreland tenants, and not 
my uncle of Cumberland nor his son." Then, finally, when the 
document states that on the ist of December, 1653, notice was made 
at Dorset House of certain suits commenced against the tenants, 
which suits apparently the tenants resented, she adds " I believe he 
was a person given to conciliation, and he left such notices at Dorset 
House, striving thereby to set us together by the ears without any 
just occasion." The " he " referred to in her words could not have 
been either of the two last earls, for they were both dead, but must 
have been some person who was interposing, striving to upset the 
award. We are inclined to believe from careful perusal of the docu- 
ment that it was Lord Cork who, on behalf of his wife, was making 
some claims to upset the judicial arrangement concerning part of the 
property, probably that of Barden Tower. 

The only other paper to which I need refer in this chapter, was 
discovered with the documents already mentioned, and bears the 
date January 3rd, 1655. It lays down, in very decisive fashion, the 
rules which her council, under its chairman, Sir Henry Cholmeley, 
prescribed for the granting of leases in future in the Craven estates. 
It states that the leases were to be made for three lives, for which 
the tenant is not to pay any fine, but " my Lady wiU expect after 
the rate of eight per cent, by way of increase of rent, the fine last 

224 Lady Anne. 

given to be considered of, and the rent to be proportioned or set 
down after that rate." This was as regards purchased lands. As 
regards leasehold, the same course was allowed "to be held with those 
tenants that held by lease, the term excepted, which is to be for 
twenty-one years." 

This document was signed in two places by Lady Anne, and also 
bears her seals. It is a beautifully written paper, the signatures are 
bold and strong, and, inasmuch as some portion of these rules still 
continues in force in the Craven estate, the doucment so recently 
found has been framed, in order that it may be preserved by the 
present holders of the property and by their successors. 

One of Lady Anne's Council of Commissioners, Mr. Charles Fairfax, 
was uncle to the celebrated Lord Fairfax, and there are, in the Fairfax 
correspondence, several letters from him to his uncle, which have 
reference to Lady Anne. He acted, it is clear, in some professional 
respect for her at Skipton, with regard to the estates, and says that 
at one time he spent seven weeks in the castle, without any cessation 
of duty, trying to settle questions between her and her teucints. 
He explains to Lord Fairfax that he had hoped that the matter would 
have been a simple one, by reason of the award which the King had 
made, but was quickly given to understand by Lady Anne that she 
" had never consented to that award, nor would be bound by it in 
any way, and demands the whole of the estate." These demands 
included the Barden Tower property, which at the same time. Lady 
Cork was claiming, and she and her husband were also in correspondence 
with Mr. Fairfax respecting it. In a further letter, he refers to the 
fact that the tenants were making vehement protestations concerning 
their rent : he adds, with reference to Lady Anne, that she was a 
most noble lady, and will " deal honourably with such persons whose 
estates depend upon the award, if they have the good manners to 
acknowledge it her bounty." These words give the key to a good 
deal of Lady Anne's instructions. Provided her rights were acknow- 
ledged, and fully acknowledged, she was willing to be on easy terms 
with her tenants, but if they dechned to acknowledge her rights, they 
might speedily look for trouble. 

On the 3rd November, 1646, there is a letter to Mr. Charles Fairfax 
in which she refers to certain drawings that had been made by a 

Another Bundle of Letters. 225 

Mr. Waterton, and which were of SMpton Castle and Barden Tower. 
They appear to have been plans or sketches of the estates, and Lady 
Anne was anxious to have them. She says that he was to pay what- 
ever he thinks fit for them, and in a postscript to the letter, acknow- 
ledges that they have at length reached her, and begs him to settle 
with the surveyor, and give him whatever he considered was the 
right amount for them. 

All these letters are, as a rule, addressed " to my assured friend, 
Mr. Christopher Marsh," but in one or two instances, the phraseology 
differs slightly, and the address is "To my assured good friend." 
Sometimes they were sent to Ba5mard's Castle, and sometimes to 
Chenies. One or two of them were addressed, " To Mr. William 
Russell's house at Southover near Lewes in Sussex," and to this 
address there is sometimes added " or else wherever he is," while on 
other occasions a second address, " Baynard's Castle in London," is 
added to the first. When the letter is to be sent to Baynard's Castle, 
it was to be " C/o Mr. WiUiam Edge," who was evidently in per- 
manent residence there. The letters are all carefuUy sealed, but differ 
from those referred to in a previous chapter in the fact that the seal 
is invariably one with the CHfford crest. In one or two instances, the 
crest is used alone, rising out of its crest coronet, but in other cases 
is surmounted by an earl's coronet. Some of the letters have endorsed 
upon them notes by Mr. Marsh, giving the date when they were 
received, and comments to the effect that he had carried out the 
instructions of the writer, or references to the pa57ment of certain 
sums of money which Lady Anne had authorised him to make. 
They were evidently written with the desire to use up every scrap of 
the paper, and Lady Anne was given to certain eccentricities in her 
correspondence, adding postscripts not only at the bottoms of the 
letters, but frequently at the sides also, and in some instances at the 
top or at the comers. 




A CONSIDERABLE part of the narrative contained in Lady 
Anne's diary is devoted to her various journeys from one 
castle to another, describing the methods by which she journeyed 
whether in her coach or in her horse-litter, and frequently explaining 
the route along which she travelled. These allusions are so frequent 
that it would be wearisome to refer to them all. A great part of her 
time was spent in these journeys, and during her life in the north 
she visited all her castles in turn, making prolonged stays in each. 
She was very hospitable, especially to her own children and grand- 
children, whom she delighted to have about her. They visited her 
many times, coming to each of her places of residence in turn, and she 
describes so carefully, on every occasion, when they came, how long 
they remained, and when they left, that it is possible to make up a sort 
of diary of the movements of her own children and grandchildren 
from these records. Her favourite grandchild was, as I have said, 
John Tufton, and he was more often with her than was any other 
member of the family. In 1652 she alludes to his coming down to 
stay with her, and then, in the following year, in March, to his leaving 
Appleby for York, thence journeying on to London, and so to Hothficld 
in Kent, to see his father and mother, brothers and sisters, on his way 
to Eton. He does not appear to have remained at Eton very long, 
because in the following year she says that he came from Eton, 
" from studying there, to Skipton to mee for a little while," and then 
he went back from Skipton to Oxford, where she says he was to settle 
down in Queen's College to live in that University as a student. In 
1656, we hear of his leaving Oxford. " He went quite away from 
living as a student there, up towards London to his father," who 

Lady Anne's Guests. 227 

was then residing at the family house in Aldersgate Street, and on 
the 14th of June following he left England for a while to travel 
in the Low countries with George Sedgwick, his grandmother's 
secretary, " whom," says she, " I had appointed to bee his Governor," 
and then she describes his journey into Holland and the provinces, 
and his return in the beginning of 1657, most of the time having been 
spent, she tells us, in the city of Utrecht. The actual reason for the 
journey to Holland was because John Tufton's sister, Lady Frances, 
had been suffering from rickets, and had been sent in 1655 " from her 
father and mother, from their house in Aldersgate in London, over 
sea into Utrecht in Holland to be cured of the Ricketts, which she had 
in great extremitie." Her brother fetched her, and they came back 
in a Dutch man-of-war, out of the " Low countreis, with my grand- 
chyld the Ladie Frances Tufton his sister, and her Woman, and others 
in their Companie," and then he came down with George Sedgwick, 
her secretary, to see his grandmother at Skipton, leaving his sister in 

Not only had Lady Anne sent Sedgwick with her grandson as his 
tutor, but she had also provided his personal servant, Alexander 
Whitcher, who also came back with him to Skipton, and entered again, 
she says, into her employ. John Tufton remained with her at Skipton 
for some time, and then journeyed in her company to Appleby, whither 
she went in October, and where she remained until April, 1658. 
Then she left for Brougham, but before doing so, sent her " grandchyld 
with his two men " to Croome House in Worcestershire, to see " his 
sister Coventry, and her husband and children." There he remained 
for a few days, and then came back to Appleby, when she sent 
him off on a further excursion, and tells us that he went to Lancashire, 
Preston, Manchester, Chester, Flint Castle, Denbigh, and other parts 
of North Wales, and came back aga'n to Warwick, Coventry, and 
Lichfield, the first time that he had ever been in any of those places, 
and able to gratify his desire to travel by doing so at his grandmother's 
expense, and in comfortable fashion. By June he was back at Appleby 
to see her, but then she sent him off for a night to Corby Castle in 
Cumberland, the residence of her cousin Sir Francis Howard, where 
he stayed a while and returned again to her. By that time she 
bad reached Brougham. He appears to have arrived on the 24tb of 

228 Lady Anne. 

June, and the same night she took her leave of him, he continuing 
on his journey towards London, where he remained till August, and 
then went once again with his sister, whose cure was apparently not 
quite complete, into the Low countries for a couple of months, 
returning to London " by shipping at the Briol in HoUande " in 
October, and coming straight down to see her. On this occasion, 
he brought his sister with him, the first time that Lady Anne had 
ever seen this grandchild, either in Craven, or " in any of the lands of 
mine inheritance." Whitcher, who was with him on his first visit 
to Utrecht, had died meantime, and she tells us that the name of his 
new servant was Henry Hatfield, " that now serves my grandchilde in 
Alexander Whitcher's place lately deceased," and with his sister 
" came her gentlewoman, Mrs. Sibilla Baker, that had bin abroad 
with her in the Low Countries." 

Lady Anne had by that time come into Yorkshire, and was at 
Skipton, and she kept her two grandchildren with her from May until 
September, when they left with their servants in her coach and 
six horses, as far as York, where they stayed for a night, and engaging 
a hired coach, went on to London for a few days, and then Lady 
Frances went down to her sister. Lady Margaret Coventry, to Croome 
to stay for awhile. 

A rather longer interval then ensued, but in 1663, John Tufton 
came back to see her. She was at Barden Tower, and he came " hither 
into this Barden Tower to me, where I now kissed him with much 
joy before supper, and he now told me how he set forward on his 
joumie from London hitherward, from his Mother and two of his 
Sisters, Lady Frances and Lady Cecily," who came up with him from 
Hothfield to London, and then " returned back again." She put 
him in the " best Roome in this Barden Tower, at the end of the 
Great Chamber, where my daughter of Northampton lay when she 
was last here," and his servant, who was not the one who had been 
with him on the previous occasion, but a man named John Goteley, 
" who is newly come to him," slept in the room " within it." Ic was 
the first time that any of Lady Thanet's children had slept at Barden 
Tower, and Lady Anne carefully records the fact. She also adds an 
expression of her joy in receiving him, " for this Grandchild of mine 
was the more welcome to mee in regard he had escaped death verie 

Lady Anne's Guests. 229 

narrowlie by a dangerous sickness he had in ffrance the last yeare 
which causes mee to have in a thankful remembrance God's great 
mercies to mee and mine." He remained nearly two months with 
her, and then went to Pendragon, " this being the first time that 
either he, or anie grandchild of myne ever lay in that Castle, which 
was lately repaired by me." He journeyed on to Appleby, and was 
there for two nights, and the next day to Brough where he lay one 
night, " this being also the first time that he, or anie grandchyld of 
mine, lay in that Brough Castle, for I repaired it but lately." He was 
there for only a day or two, and then passed through WhinfeU Park 
to Brougham Castle, where he lay for one night. He visited Lowther 
Hall, Avon bank,^ and other places, attended the horse race on 
Langanby * Moor, and returned to his grandmother, reaching her 
on the 29th of the month. With her he went to Skipton, where 
he remained for some time, and then she records " on the 7th of 
September did my grandchild, Mr. John Tufton, ride away from this 
Skipton Castle, from me and us here, with his man John Goteley, 
towards London, and so into Kent." 

He did not return to her until after his father's death, on the 8th of 
July, 1664, and she says she received him, " to my great joy and 
comfort, I not having seen him since the death of his father, my 
son-in-law, John, Earl of Thanet." En route from London to Appleby, 
where his grandmother then was, he had rested at Skipton, sleeping 
for two nights in " the highest chamber in the Round Tower at Skipton, 
over the chamber at the end of the Long GaUery there, wherein I 
formerly used to lie," the third night he had spent at the inn at Kirkby 
Lonsdale, and finally, came on to Appleby, where he stayed with his 
grandmother for a month, and afterwards, meeting his mother and 
three younger sisters there, the whole party went on for a while to 
Brougham, returning again to Appleby, and after a short sojourn 
there, went back to London. 

It was not until 1669 that John came to the north again, this 
time with his brother, Richard, who had not been to see his grand- 

^ Usually called Acorn Bank or Akron Bank the home of his cousins, the Dalstons. 

" Langwathby Moor, a famous place for horse racing. It is s miles east of Penrith. There 
is an important reference to the sport here in Edmund Sandford's Cursary Relation, 1675, 
quoted by Mr. D. Scott in a lecture he gave on the subject of local sports. 

230 Lady Anne. 

mother for six years, as he had not been in Westmoreland since his 
father's death. On this occasion they came from a house called 
Great Chart, and had journeyed over Stainmore and by Brough to 
Appleby, where she put them in the green chamber, " which is under 
the Withdrawing-Roome " and there they remained for seven nights. 
Meantime, her cousin and godson, Edward RusseU, the third son to 
the Earl of Bedford, had also arrived at Appleby in his journey from 
Wobum. It was the first time that he had ever been in any part of 
her inheritance, or so far north, and she put him to sleep in the Baron's 
Chamber, and, when John and his brother arrived, sent them all 
away to visit her other castles. They went to Brougham, to Brough, 
and to Pendragon, and to some other remarkable houses and places 
in the county, and returned afterwards to London, leaving their cousin, 
Edward RusseU, in the north, as he was going to remain a little longer 
with Lady Anne. 

I must not, however, confine my attention to this single member 
of the family. His father and mother, together with his elder brother, 
Nicholas, paid their first visit to Lady Anne in 1653. They arrived 
on the 1st September, coming from London over Stainmore to Appleby 
Castle, where they continued to lie for eleven nights " my daughter 
and her Lord in the Chamber under the Withdrawing-room, and 
my Lord Tufton in the Baron's Chamber," this being, as Lady 
Anne records, " the first time that this first child of mine or her Lord, 
or any of mj' owne children, came to me into Westmoreland or into 
any part of the lands of mine inheritance, except," as she expressly 
records, the second son, John, to whom we have already alluded. 
She had, however, carried on an agreeable correspondence with her 
elder grandson two years before. Young Lord Tufton had got into 
some trouble with his father, who desired him to marry and settle 
down. He, on the contrary, wished to travel abroad before he married, 
and had heard of an officer, a person whom he calls " a noble gentle- 
man," " a gentleman of the King's Artillery," who was going to France 
and Spain, and who was willing to take him in his company and show 
him something of both countries. He had pressed his father to make 
him a suitable allowance, but Lord Thanet appears to have declined, 
and therefore he wrote to his grandmother on May 28th, 1651, con- 
cerning his trouble. He told her that if he could only get two hundred 

Lady Anne's Guests. 231 

a year from his father, it would amply suffice, and he impressed upon 
his grandmother how earnest was his desire to see something of the 
world before he settled down. If only he might go abroad, he said, 
then on his return he might marry, but he declined to do so at present. 
If his father would only let him " go to France or Spain," when he 
came back, he says, " I would be contented that his Lordship married 
me to whom he pleases." He begs his grandmother to intercede with 
his father, or to do something herself for him. She endorses the 
letter to the effect that she answered it "as he would," and as we 
learn that almost immediately afterwards he went abroad, it is pretty 
clear that the old lady came to the rescue and advanced some money 
in order that he might gratify his desire. 

In 1656, Lady Thanet was again in the North, this time with her 
four younger children, Cecily, George, Mary and Anne, and their 
visit on this occasion was to Brougham. It was the first time that 
Lady Anne had seen three of the children, and it was also the first 
time that Lady Cecily had been in the North, although, says her 
grandmother, " I had seen her before at London, and in Baynard's 
Castle, and in her father's house at Aldersgate Street." She was 
always particular they should have some pleasure, and pay some 
visits while they were with her, and so she sent two of the children, 
Cecily and George, for a while in her coach to Edenhall in Cumber- 
land, and then to Lowther Hall, and after that, they returned again 
to her and then home to Hothfield. In 1658, her daughter paid another 
visit, this time accompanied by the three younger sons, Richard, 
Thomas, and Sackville, " this being the first time I ever saw these 
three sonnes of hers, here in Westmoreland or in any part of the lands 
of myne inheritance, and so now," she says, she has seen nine of her 
daughter's children here in Westmoreland, " which I accounte as a 
greate and singular Blessinge and goodnesse of God towards me." 
She describes how long they stayed with her, and says that they went 
back over Stainmore towards London to Aldersgate Street, and a 
day afterwards they journeyed on to Raynham for a night, and then 
eventually reached Hothfield in safety. 

The eldest grandchild had meantime been concerned in a plot 
against the Commonwealth, and on the suspicion that this was the 
case, had been sent a prisoner to the Tower of London by the 

232 Lady Anne. 

command of the Lord Protector and his Council, and was kept 
there for nine months and four days. He was then set free, and 
returned to his father and mother, but on the nth of September was 
again committed to the Tower, where he lay under restraint tiU the 
25th of June, 1658, when he was released a second time. These two 
imprisonments had caused serious injury to his health, and in 1659 
Lady Anne records the fact that he went down to the Wells at Epsom 
to take the waters, and thence went over secretly into France, where 
he stayed for some few months. The rising of 1655, in which he was 
concerned, was a plot arranged with Colonel Penruddock^ and Sir 
Joseph Wagstaffe,* in conjunction with two hundred persons who 
were Royalists, and the intention, which was carried out, was to seize 
the Judges of the Western Circuit — Rolle ^ and Nicholas ^ — at Salis- 
bury, and give the signal for a general rising. There seemed every 
chance of success, and Charles II. left Cologne for Flushing in order 
to be close at hand, sending over Lord Rochester as his representative 
in order that he might advise the King when it was safe for him to 
appear. The time was not, however, quite ripe for the Restoration. 
The plot was a failure, and as a result. Lord Tufton found himself 
twice in the Tower, and then had to make his way, as we have just 
seen, secretly to France. 

In 1650, three of his younger brothers, John, Richard and Thomas, 
followed his example. They left in the packet boat from Dover to 
Calais, thence went on to Paris, to Orleans and to Blois, where they 
intended to hve for a time. It was the first time that Richard and 
Thomas had ever been beyond the seas, but as their grandmother 
records, their brother John had been twice before this into the Low 
Countries, though never in France before. They stayed abroad all 
the winter and came back again in March, 1663. 

In that very year Lady Thanet, with her four younger sons, and her 
daughter Lady Frances, paid their first visit to Skipton. " They 
came hither " says Lady Anne, " into Skipton Castle to me about eight 

3 John Penruddock, 1619-1655, beheaded by the Protector for high treason. 

* Sir Joseph Wagstaffe bom circa 16 12, died after 1602, escaped into Holland and survived 
the Restoration. 

= Henry Rolle, Justice of King's Bench, appomted by the Commonwealth, 1648, Lord Chief 

' Robert Nicholas, Baron of the Exchequer and Judge of the " Upper Bench." 

Lady Anne's Guests. 233 

o'clock at night into the chamber where I then lay, and wherein I was 
born into the world, and I then kissed them all with much Joy and 
comfort, it being the first time that I saw my Daughter of Thanet, 
or these four younger Sonnes of hers in Skipton Castle, or in Craven, 
for it was the first time that they had ever come into Craven." She 
put Lady Thanet and Lady Frances into the two best rooms in the 
chief round tower " in the old building in Skipton Castle, lately repaired 
by me," two of the other sons, Sackville and George, in the upper, 
great round room at the end of the gallery, Thomas in the round 
room below, " where I formerUe used to lye myself," and Richard,, 
with his brother John, who was already at the Castle, in the great 
room over the gatehouse, except that lor one night, they had to sleep 
in the Withdrawing-room, next the gaUery, possibly because the other 
rooms were not quite ready. She had sent John as far as York in 
her coach to meet his mother and his four brothers and sisters, and 
he had brought them on their way to the Castle. 

In 1664, she records the marriage of the eldest son, Nicholas, " mar- 
ried in a chamber in Clifford's Inn in London Town to Lady Elizabeth 
Boyle," whom she calls her " cousin and god-daughter." The marriage 
was solemnised by Mr. Byfield, chaplain to her father, and the happy 
couple began first of all to five in that house at Whitefriars in London 
" which was once part of the Priory there," where Lady Elizabeth's 
father and mother and most of the family then were. Less than a 
month after that Lord Thanet died " in his house called Thanet 
House, in those lodgings that look towards the street, which he about 
twenty years since built with freestone very magnificently," and she 
records the fact that his wife and their sons and daughters were all 
there on the occasion of his decease. His body was carried out of the 
house at Aldersgate Street, over London Bridge, and down into the 
country, into the church at Raynham in Kent when it was buried in 
the presence of most of the family, but it is expressly recorded that the 
eldest son was not able to be there. Soon afterwards the new Earl and 
his wife went down to see the old lady. ' ' They came into my chamber, ' ' 
says she, " in this Appleby Castle, about seven o'clock in the evening, 
where I kissed them both with much joy and comfort, it being the 
first time that I saw any Grandchild of mine that was an Earle." 
It was also the first time, she says, that the newly married wife had 

234 Lady Anne. 

come into Westmoreland, and she had not seen her since she was a 
child, with Lord and Lady Cork and her brothers and sisters when 
Lady Anne came down to Craven in 1650. On their way to see her, 
they had been to Londesborough and to Topcliff, and thence had 
journeyed to Appleby by way of Stainmore, lying one night in what 
she calls the " poor inn " at Bowes. On their way they had stopped 
for a while at Brough to see the Castle, and then reached Appleby. 
They slept in the Baron's Chamber, and while they stayed with Lady 
Anne, made various excursions. They went, says she, to Brougham, to 
Edenhall, to Lowther, and to Acorn Bank, and then on the 9th August 
" after I had Idssed them in my chamber in Appleby Castle, did this 
Earl of Thanet and the Countess his wife, with their company, go 
away again from hence out of Westmoreland, over Stainmoore, into 
the inn at Catterick Bridge, towards York and Londesborough." 
She sent John Tufton part of the way with them. He was to take 
his brother and sister onwards upon their journey as far cis Brough, 
and then to return to her, and Lord and Lady Thanet met Lord Cork 
and his wife at York, and journeyed with them to Londesborough, 
and then back to London. 

A few days after they had left, her daughter Margaret came to 
see her, this time as Coimtess Dowager of Thanet, bringing with her 
the three yoimgest daughters and their servants. John Tufton was 
sent to meet and welcome them, and he escorted them all to Appleby, 
" where I now kissed them " says Lady Anne, " with much joy and 
comfort, it being the first time I saw this Daughter of mine or any of 
her Daughters since She was a widowe." She put them in to the 
Baron's Chamber, but after they had remained there for four days 
she had to send them all away with John Tufton to Brougham, because 
it was the time of the Assizes, and she had to receive the judges at 
Appleby. Nothing was ever allowed to stand in the way of a full and 
important reception for the judges, and even though her elder 
daughter was with her at the time, she and her family had to give 
place to the representatives of the King. They all therefore left for 
Brougham, Lady Thanet and her younger daughter occupying Lady 
Anne's own chamber " wherein " of course she adds, " my Noble 
ffather was borne and my Blessed mother dyed, the first time that 
she or any of her Children ever lay in that chamber," Lady Cecily 

Lady Anne's Guests. 235 

and Lady Marie in " the middle chamber of the Great Tower," and 
John in " the Baron's Chamber there." Lady Thanet had not been at 
Brougham since 1658, nor the three younger daughters since 1656, 
and it was the first time that any of them had been in the castle 
when their grandmother was not there herself. After the Judges 
had left they came back again, except John, who was then to start 
for London, but the rest of the party remained with the old lady at 
Appleby for some days longer, and then " after I had first kissed 
them, as taking my leave of them, they went away from me out of 
this Appleby Castle, towards eight o'clock in the morning, onwards 
on their Joumie towards London," and she records with great satis- 
faction the fact that they safely reached their journey's end. 

About this time Lady Thanet took possession of her jointure house, 
Bollbrooke, and her mother carefully records the fact that her daughter, 
with her three younger children, went down to a hired house at Epsom, 
where they drank the waters, and from thence removed to Bollbrooke, 
" her house of inheritance by her father," where, says she, " they 
now continued to lye." It would appear that Lady Thanet had not 
been to that house since the early days of her marriage, her eldest 
child having been born there. 

Meantime, two of the younger sons, Sackville and George, went 
abroad for a while. They " did imbarque themselves at Dover in 
Kent," the old lady says, " and sayled over the Seas into France, 
whither they came safe and well to Paris within a while after, this 
being," she adds, " the first time these two Grandchildren of mine 
were ever beyond the seas, or out of England." Sir Thomas Bill- 
ingsley ' who had been " in the employment of Lord Dorset," went 
with them, as their Governor. After a short sojourn in Paris, they 
left for Sedan, and then in the following year she records the fact 
that they had gone on from Sedan into Upper Germany, to the Prince 
Elector Palatine's Court at Heidelberg, stating that the reason of 
this their " so sodaine departure out of France into Germany " was 
because of the wars " that are now between England and France." 
It would appear to be likely that they had intended to stay in France 
for a much longer period, and they were perhaps studying the French 

' (?) Sir Henry Billingsley or else a Mr, BilUngsly given the title o{ Sir by courtesy or in error. 

236 Lady Anne. 

The second daughter, who had been more than once to see her 
grandmother, was in 1665 married in the chapel in Thanet House, 
by Lord Thanet's chaplain, Mr. Hind, to Mr. Henry Drax. This 
was the daughter who, in the earlier stages of her life, had suffered 
from rickets. After the wedding, they went into her husband's 
house in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and later on, into the country, as it 
was then called ; to their own house at Hackney, three or four miles 
from London, but in November following, Lady Frances died in 
childbirth, to her grandmother's great grief, at Buckwell in Kent, 
and as the baby also died, they were buried together at Ra3aiham 

On the next occasion Lady Thanet came down to see her mother, 
which was in 1666, the grandmother referred to the fact that Lady 
Frances had died in the interval, and there were only left the three 
daughters, Cecily, Mary and Anne. She carefully tells us that Lady 
Thanet and her daughter Cecily were put in the middle round room 
at the end of the gallery at Skipton, " where formerly I used to lye 
myself," and that Lady Mary and Lady Anne were put in the room 
above, and that it was the first time that either Lady Thanet or these 
three girls had slept in the Round Tower, in the room which their 
sister. Lady Frances, had occupied when she was staying with her 
grandmother. This was the second time Lady Thanet had been to 
Skipton, but the seventh time she had been to the North to see her 
mother. The three yoimger girls had never been to Skipton before, 
although they had been to Brougham and to Appleby, and their 
grandmother was very desirous that they should see something of 
the neighbourhood, so, a few days after their arrival, " These three 
young Ladies, my Grandchildren, with their three Women, Mrs. Jane 
Paulett, Mrs. Bridget BUHngsley ^ and Katherine Preston," went in 
their mother's coach with six horses out of Skipton away to Barden, 
where they dined. Thence she sent them to Mr. Clapham's house 
at Beamsley, where they stayed for a while, and visited the Beamsley 
Almshouses, founded by her " Blessed mother," and afterwards they 
returned to Skipton, a Uttle before supper that night, " this being " 
sa57s she, " the first time that any of my said three grandchildren 

' Perhaps wife of " Sir " Thomas BUIlngsley mentioned before. 

Lady Anne's Guests. 237 

were ever in Barden Tower, Beamsley Hall, or the Almshouses." 
Shortly after that, the whole party had to return to BoUbrooke. 

The next visit of the family was one from the new Countess in 1667 
and Lord Thanet came up from Hothfield to Gravesend, thence by 
water in a barge to London, and sent his wife on from London to 
Londesborough to her mother, then from Londesborough to York, 
and from York to Barden Tower, " where shee and her two women 
stayed with me, lyinge in the two low Rooms at the west end of the 
Great Chamber there, over the kitchene." After four days' sojourn. 
Lady Thanet went back again to Londesborough, picked up her mother, 
the Countess of Cork, and they both journeyed back to Hothfield. 

Lord Thanet came back again to Appleby in the following year 
(1668) on his way to Londesborough, arriving so late that Lady Anne 
did not see him till the next morning, when, says she, " He came up 
to mee in my owne chamber and I kissed him with much joy and 
comfort." He stayed a week and then one night took his leave of 
her before she retired, and left very early in the morning, going to see 
Viscount Dunbar ® in Holdernesse and then back to Hothfield. 

An important event in connection with the family, which interested 
her very greatly, was recorded in 1668. To it I refer at length in a 
separate chapter. Her grandchild, Thomas Tufton, was chosen burgess 
for Appleby, in the place of Mr. John Lowther. Lady Anne carefully 
records the fact that he was " the first Grandchilde of mine that ever 
sate in that House of Commons in the Parliament at Westminster.' 

In September he came down to Appleby, and up into her room, 
" where I kissed him," says she, " with much joy and comfort," as 
she had not seen him for some years. He had come by way of London, 
York, and Ripon, and the previous day from the inn at " Bowes in 
Richmondshire," and he stayed with his grandmother for ten nights, 
occup}dng the Baron's Chamber. She sent him about in all directions, 
to see his constituents. He went to Acorn Bank to visit Mr. John 
Dalston " bis fellow-Burgesse," to her house at Julian Bower in 
Whinfell Park, to Edenhall to see Sir PhiUp Musgrave, and then she 
had her sheriff, Mr. Thomas Gabetis,'* receive him at Crosby, take him 

° Robert Constable, 3rd Viscount, succeeded 1666, died 1714. His brother was 4th and last 

'» Tliomas Gabetis of Crosby Ravenswortli, under-sheriff for the County, died Z5th March 
1694, aged 86. (See Bellasis' Westmorland Church Notes, I., 133. 

238 Lady Anne. 

to Lowther to see Sir John Lowther, and thence to Brougham. The 
following day he went on to Howgill Castle," to see " the widow 
Lady Sandford and Sir Richard Sandford her eldest Sonne," and two 
da}^ afterwards he went to Pendragon Castle and to Brough Castle, 
at none of " which houses and places above mentioned he had ever 
been before, except at Brougham, where," says she " he had bin once 
with me for a time in August and in September, 1658, with his mother 
and some other of her children." After remaining with Lady Anne 
for ten days he removed again to Brough, and thence went over 
Staimnore into the inn at Bowes for one night, and so on towards 

George, the youngest Tufton son, was lame and not in good health, 
and all kinds of different remedies had been tried. At length it was 
decided that he should try some mud baths, and so, in 1669, in 
May, he took sail at Dover, and after waiting for a fair wind arrived 
in France, and went on to La Rochelle, staying there for a few days. 
Thence he went to Bordeaux, and from there journeyed to the frontier 
of Spain to try the effect of the baths. He was away for about a 
month and then sailed back from La Rochelle and landed in Kent, 
journeying to his elder brother Lord Thanet's house at Hothfield, 
and thence to Bollbrooke to see his mother, but, says Lady Anne, 
" my grandchild derived Uttle or no benefit by the said baths." 

On the next occasion of the visits from the Thanet family to Lady 
Anne they came to Appleby, but on their way home, she was anxious 
that her daughter, who was accompanied by her three youngest 
children, Anne, Mary and Sackville, should go to Pendragon. They 
had stayed for some time at Appleby, and Sackville had been given 
the best room in Caesar's Tower, usually alloted to the Judges, but 
after the visit was over they left early in the morning for Pendragon, 
" which was the first time," says Lady Anne, " my daughter or any 
of her three children were ever in it, though most of her other children 
had been in it before." Sackville went on ahead, as he had never 
seen Brough, and was to journey there first of aU. He met his mother 
and sisters on the way, and they all travelled over Stainmore to 
Pendragon together, and then back to London to Thanet House. 

^'This place belonged to the Lancaster family until 1438 when that family ended in four 
daughters. One of them married Robert Crackenthorpe of Newbiggin. His grandson had 
daughters only, and one of them married Sir Thomas Sandford. 

Lady Anne's Guests. 239 

In the August of that year they all of them had to leave Thanet House 
rather quickly, " by reason the smallpox was so rife in that part of 
London," and they went down into the country to Bollbrooke, where 
they remained for some months. Thomas Tufton, the member of 
Parliament, had occasion to visit his constituents in 1670 and, of 
course, stayed with his grandmother. She tells us he came by way of 
Greta Bridge, and over Stainmore to Pendragon, and while he was 
there went to visit what she calls the remarkable places about the 
Castle, " Wilborfell " ; Hugh's Seat.^^ Morvill ; and Holgill or Hell 
Gill Bridge." ^' From thence he went to Edenhall to see his cousin 
Sir Philip Musgrave, stopping on the way at Acorn Bank to see Mr. 
Dalston. A couple of days later, he was at Kendal viewing the castle 
and the church there, spending the night with Mr. George Sedgwick, 
Lady Anne's steward at Collip Field, where Sedgwick had by that 
time settled down. Then he came back again to Pendragon, and the 
following morning left on a much longer journey, namely, into Scotland. 
There, she says, he saw most of " the remarkable places and cities in 
that Kingdome, Dumfries, Douglas, Hamilton, and the Duke's Palace 
there (where he was nobly treated by Duke Hamilton) the City of 
Glasgow, where he gave a visit to the Archbishop " at the castle, and 
saw the university, the town and castle of Edinburgh, and thence 
" to a place called Bask Island (Bass Island) which is so remarkable 
for Soland Geese." He returned by Berwick-upon-Tweed, Newcastle, 
and Barnard's Castle to Pendragon, where he stayed for another ten 
nights, and then, with her great officers, went away through Whinfell 
Park, by Brougham, to Dacre Castle, 1* thence to "Dunmallerd" Hill,^* 
and so to UUeswater, and back again to Brougham, thence to Julian's 
Bower, and so to Pendragon to see his grandmother, where he said 
good-bye to her and left the next morning over Stainm.ore on his 
journey towards London. 

" Wild-boar-fell, a very high hill near Kirkby Stephen where the last wild boar was killed 
in England. 

^^ A conical hill overlooking Mallerstang, named after Sir Hugh de Morvill who was one 
of the four knights who killed St. Thomas li Becket. 

" Situate in a deep riven chasm, 60 feet of perpendicular rock, 10 feet wide and having below 
it an older bridge called the " Devil's Bridge," hence its name. The chasm is concealed and 
dark even at mid-day and the river Eden rises out of it. 

1* Seat of Lord Dacre of Gilsland, sold in 1716 to Sir C. Musgrave, 4 square towers still standing. 

1* Dunmallogt, at one time a crenellated dwelling place belonging to Lord Dacre, 

240 Lady Anne. 

Lady Anne not onh' records all these various visits, but also carefully 
notes the marriages and deaths in the family, for example, on the i8th 
of July, 1653, she speaks of the marriage of her grandchild. Lady 
Margaret Tufton, who was married at her father's house in Aldersgate 
Street, to Mr. John Coventry, whose father, says she, " Thomas, Lord 
Coventry, was Lord Keeper of the Greate Seale of England." This 
marriage was particularly interesting to her, because Margaret was 
the first of her grandchildren to marry, and she accovmted it " a great 
blessing of God to mee and mine." She refers with equal care to the 
death on the 27th of October, 1661 of Lord Coventry " of gangrene 
that was in several of his toes," and to the succession of her grand- 
child and her husband to the dignities connected with the family. 
Lady Margaret's first child was born in 1654 a-t Croome, " this being," 
says she, " the first child that made mee a Great-Grandmother, which 
I accoimt as a great blessing of God," and just at the time that this 
baby arrived Lady Thanet had her youngest child at the breast, and 
Lady Anne speaks of the unusual circumstance in the following 
words : — " My daughter of Thanett was there att the Birth and 
Christeninge of this first Grandchild of hers, Soe as he sucked the 
MUke of her Breast many times, she having here with her her now 
youngest child, the Lady Anne Tufton, being about nyne weeks old." 

There are many references in the diary to the birth and death of 
infants, the mortality in infancy at that time being at an extra- 
ordinarily high figure. In some instances, especially as we shall see 
when reference is made to the offspring of her other daughter, Isabella, 
almost all the children died in infancy. 

Another grandchild to whose marriage Lady Anne specially refers 
was Lady Cecily, fourth daughter and seventh child. She was married 
on Feb. 12, 1668, by Dr. Evans, 1* one of the Duchess of York's chaplains 
to Mr. Christopher Hatton, the eldest son of Lord Hatton. The 
wedding took place at Sir Charles Littleton's " house in the Mews 
"he," says she, " that is Cupbearer to the King," but only he and 
his wife were present on the occasion, so that perhaps the family were 
not very favourable to the match. 

" Eventually Bishop of Bangor and then of Meath. 

" Sir Charles was 3rd Baronet, Governor of Jamaica 1663, ot Harwich 1667, and of Sheemess 

Lady Anne's Guests. 241 

George Tufton, who went to try the mud baths, died in 1670, on the 
12th December, in London, His death took place owing to a wound, 
which had never healed. Four years before he had taken part in 
the wars in Germany, and had received severe injuries from shot, 
but he had never been a strong man, and it seemed impossible for the 
wound to heal. After his death Lady Anne states that the body was 
opened, and the surgeons were surprised that he had even Uved so long 
after such a serious wound. He was buried at Raynham, by the 
side of his father and two of his sisters. 

The death of Lady Cecily Hatton is described at some length. 
She died in Guernsey in December, 1672. " On the 29th of that 
month," records Lady Anne, " being Sunday about midnight, did 
there fell a violent storme of thunder and lightning upon the Island 
of Guernsey, which, takeing hold of the Magazine powther, blew up 
and destroyed Castle Comett, which was the Garrison of that Island, 
by the ruins whereof were killed " says she, " Lady Cecily, who was 
wife to the Governor there, and with her the Dowager Lady Hatton, 
his mother, and many officers, soldiers and attendants." Fortunately, 
the three children and Lord Hatton and some of his relatives were 
spared. " And " she adds, " the dead bodies of my said Grandchild 
and her Lord's mother were brought over into England to Portsmouth 
and interred in the Abbey of Westminster." The three Utde girls were 
brought in the following June from Guernsey in the Hatton yacht, 
and landed at Portsmouth, and taken on to their grandmother. Lady 
Thanet, at Thanet House in Aldersgate Street to live with her. 

The escape of Lord Hatton at the time of the explosion was certainly 
extraordinary, for the records of the day tell us that he was blown 
\\p with the house and fell violently on the top of a wall where he 
lay unconscious in his night apparel, for many hours, before he was 
discovered, while the youngest baby was found peacefully asleep in 
her cradle next day, under a great beam which had fallen across in 
such a manner as to protect her from all other debris. 

On the occasion of the last visit that Lady Thanet paid to her mother 
Lady Anne mentions specially that she brought down with her one 
of the Hatton children, the only one of the three that had survived. 
This journey took place in 1674-5, " On the 3rd of August," says she, 
" my dear daughter Margaret, Countess Dowager of Thanet, came 



Lady Anne. 

down to Appleby Castle with her grandchild, Anne Hatton 

where in my owne chamber I kissed them with much joy, I never 
having seen this Grandchild [should have been Great-grandchild] of 
mine before. Lady Thanet stayed for about ten days, and then she 
and the little grandchild returned to London again, the last occasion 
upon which either of them saw the old lady. The final reference to 
any of the Tufton family is in the very year of Lady Anne's death, 
when she records the fact that her grandchild, Thomas Tufton, had 
been sworn a Groom of the Bedchamber to the Duke of York. 

I must now, in brief fashion, refer to another branch of the family. 
Lady Anne's younger daughter, Lady Northampton. Amongst the 
papers at Appleby Castle there are two letters of some special interest. 
The first was from Lady Northampton to her mother, immediately 
after the decease of Lord Pembroke, and refers to the mourning which 
Lady Anne had considered it desirable to adopt upon that occasion. 
The letter dated February 2ist, 1649, reads as follows : — 

My most dear mother, " 

We received your letter of the 3rd of February, and I am glad your Ladyship 
likes so well my sending of mourning. My Lord and I put on mourning within 
four days after my Lord's death, and went not out of the house till we had it, 
and according to your letter, wherein your Ladyship desires us to mourn, as is 
usual in like cases, we will obey your command. 

I cannot as yet hear how Baynard's Castle is disposed, when I do, your 
Ladyship shall hear of it. 

I am still in hopes your Ladyship will come to Cambury [Canonbury] and 
will keep half the house for your Ladyship. 

I rest your Ladyship's most humble and obedient daughter, 

Isabella Northampton. 
P-S. — I embrace you . . Ingles is very well. This air kisses her out of 
Bajmard's Castle garden " 

The second letter is a pathetic one which Lord Northampton wrote 
to his mother-in-law, on May 22nd, 1649, teUing her of the death of 
their eldest child. It reads thus : — 


God, that giveth and taketh away, hath pleased to call away my son, yet, 
Madam, it comforteth me to see my dear wife bear it so patiently. God, that 
sent this, may send more to be a comfort to us all. There wanted no pains 
to preserve the life, but the Lord's will be done, so. Madam, not being willing 

Lady Anne's Guests. 243 

to demur upon so sad a subject, I take my leave, remaining your most obliged 

son-in-law and humble servant. 


This kind of trouble was to come upon the Comptons over and 
over again. Every one of Lady Northampton's children died young, 
with one exception. Lady Alethea was the only child who survived 
to grow up to full maturity. The earliest visit that Lord Northampton 
paid to his mother-in-law in the North took place soon after the birth 
of his wife's second child. The little boy was born at Canonbury, 
christened by the name of William, regarded by all the family as a 
great source of joy and thankfulness, and by Lady Anne as an " extra- 
ordinary great Blessinge and Scale of God's Mercies to me and mine," 
but in September of the same year, the child died at Castle Ashby. 
In June, Lord Northampton came over Stainmore to Appleby, and 
stayed with his mother-in-law, using the Baron's Chamber, for a fort- 
night. " It was the first time," says she, " that I saw him or any 
Sonne-in-Lawe of mine, here in Westmoreland, or in any part of mine 
inheritance." While he was staying with her, he made excursions to 
Carlisle and Naworth Castle and, when he left, she begged him to go 
and see the mill at Silsden and the then decayed castle at Barden 
Tower, and report to her about them, and he visited both on his way 
south. In 1654, Lord Northampton with his wife and another little 
boy. Lord William Compton, came to see Lady Anne at Skipton, 
then occupying " the round chamber above myne, the Uttle Lord 
in the chamber next to the old Castle." This, she carefully records, 
" was the first time that my daughter of Northampton, or her Lord, 
or her child, were at Skipton," and also the first time that her 
younger daughter or any child of hers had ever been in the lands of 
her inheritance. The baby was only a year old when he paid this 
visit. His imcle, his father's second brother, Sir Charles Compton, 
was with them. She took Lord and Lady Northampton over to see 
the almhouses at Beamsley, then on to Lady Cork's house at Bolton, 
as Lady Cork was at that time in Ireland; afterwards to Barden 
Tower, and a few days later on little Lord Compton was taken 
away by his Scotch nurse, to Otley, where they rested. Lord and 
Lady Northampton and Sir Charles Compton met them at Otley, 
and they all went on by way of York, back to Castle Ashby. 

244 Lady Anne. 

The next occasion when they came doxv-n (1657), there were two 
babies, both boys, the elder Lord Compton, and WUliam, who had 
been there before, but two girls had been bom and died in the interval. 
This time, they were accompanied by Mr. Henry Compton, Lord 
Northampton's youngest brother. In 1660, we hear of an important 
visit. Lady Northampton had lost her second boy, but she had another 
little baby girl, Anne, and accompanied by these two children, she 
came down from Edington in Wiltshire, and from Compton in War- 
wickshire to Barden Tower, where the family occupied " the four 
Roomes on the west side of the great Chamber." This was the first 
time on which her grandmother had seen Lady Anne Compton, and 
while staying at Barden they all made an excursion over to Skipton, 
Lady Northampton not having seen Skipton since it had been carefully 
restored. On the 6th of August she and her two children and the 
servants left Skipton with their whole com.pany for Compton Winyates, 
Lord Northampton met them there from London, and the grandmother 
adds with deep feehng that this was the last time she ever saw these 
two grandchildren, for the little girl died in the following December, 
and the boy in the September of 1661, nine months after his sister's 
death, " to my unspeakable grief and sorrow." The girl was five years 
and five months old, and a child, says her grandmother, " that pro- 
mised much goodnesse." The boy, " a Childe of great hopes and 
perfection, both of bodie and mind." He had lived to be eight years 
and three months old. Lady Anne, however, adds to that entry an 
even more pathetic one, " It was likewise the last time I saw their 
Mother, my daughter." When her little boy died. Lady Northampton 
was in London, under the physician's hands, lying in her Lord's house 
in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and was unable to go down to Castle Ashby, 
although the child, William, Lord Compton, was then so ill. The news 
was brought to her that he had passed away, and within a month 
his mother followed him. " On the 14th of October," says Lady 
Anne, " in this year, about 8 o'clock in the morning, died his mother, 
my youngest daughter Isabella, Countess of Northampton, in her 
house in Lincoln's Inn Fields in London, when she was thirty-nine 
years old, and some thirteen dales over, her two children (that are now 
onelie left alive), James, Lord Compton and Lady Alethea Compton, 
and their ffather the Earl of Northampton, lying then in that Howse," 

Lady Anne's Guests. 245 

The news did not reach Lady Anne as quickly as it ought to have done, 
for she had gone away from Appleby Castle a few hours before the 
messenger arrived to Pendragon to stay for three nights, and when 
she came back to Appleby the messenger conveyed the unhappy 
intelligence to her. The httle boy only survived his mother less than 
a year. By August of the following year he was dead also, the only 
surviving son of his mother, about three years and three months old. 
She describes in the Diary the post-mortem examination of his body, 
and his burial at Compton, mentioning the fact that his father was in 
London when he died, and was not able to come down even to the 
funeral, and that Lady Alethea was now the only surviving child of 
her mother. Lord Northampton, who appears to have been much 
attached to his mother-in-law, came down soon afterwards to see her 
at Skipton Castle, and to tell her all about his wife's death. He was 
accompanied by his cousin, Mr. John Mordaunt, the son of Lord 
Peterborough's younger brother. They spent some time with Lady 
Anne at Brougham and then went off to Edinburgh, and various 
other places, to see his aunt Lady Nithsdale,^^ returning again to 
Brougham for some few days. She records the fact that the day 
Lord Northampton came back w£is a Sunday, and that in the afternoon 
he went into the chapel at Brougham to hear the sermon there, that 
being the first time he was ever in that chapel, and a month later, 
when he was again at Brougham, he went to the church at Ninekirks 
in the afternoon to the sermon there, that being also the first time 
that he was ever in that church. In the following month, he and 
his cousin went away from Brougham to Kirkby Lonsdale for the 
first night, moving on to Barden Tower for the second, and from 
thence made their way to Castle Ashby, his family home. 

In 1670, she had an interesting visit from Lady Northampton's 
only surviving child, her " dear grandchild " the Lady Alethea Compton 
who came down from Castle Ashby to Pendragon Castle, " to me," 
says she, " where I now kissed her in my own chamber, to my un- 
speakable joy and comfort, it being the first time that I ever saw her, 
though she be now nine years and three months old, wanting but some 
four days." The little girl had come down in great state. She was 

" Lady Elizabeth, daughter of Wm. ist Earl pi Nortbamptoo and wife of Robert, Earl of 

246 Lady Anne. 

in her coach, attended by four gentlewomen, a gentleman, and many 
servants, and also by Colonel Carr, "that lives," says Lady Anne, " at 
Skipton-in-Craven," and whom her grandmother had sent specially to 
meet and protect her. She had come by way of, Newark, 
Doncaster, Wetherby and Knaresborough, and at her grandmother's 
particular request had stopped by the way at Beamsley to go and see 
the Almshouses. Thence she journeyed on to Skipton, where the whole 
party rested, and there she lay for two nights together, says. Lady Anne, 
" in the highest room of the great round Tower at the end of the long 
Gallery there, where her father and mother had layne formerly." 
A separate excursion was made in order that she might see Barden 
Tower. Then the party moved on to Kirkby Lonsdale, where she 
rested for one night, and then, the tenth day after she had left Castle 
Ashby, " she came safe, God be thanked, hither into this Pendragon 
Castle to me, where she now lay in that Chamber over the great 
Chamber, which hath windows to the East and South, for 33 nights 
together." Lady Anne was determined that her grandchild should 
see many places while she was staying at Pendragon. On one occasion, 
she sent her " with her foitr gentlewomen and my two gentlewomen 
to Hartley Castle, to see her cousin Mr. Richard Musgrave, and his 
wife and daughter." She also sent her into Kirkby Stephen and to 
Wharton Hall, and that day she returned to Pendragon about six 
o'clock in the evening, while on another occasion she was sent to see 
MaUerstang Chapel, which had just been rebuilt. On her way back 
she was to see Brough, and then, after thirty-three days' sojourn in 

the North, " this grandchild of mine, after I had kissed her 

with her company went from hence to my castle of Brough 

to see it and so from thence over Stainmoore, onward, on 

her journey towards Castle Ashby in Northamptonshire, whither she 
came safe and well (I thank God)," she adds, the 23rd of the month, 
to her father. While she was at Pendragon, Thomas Tufton, who 
was member of Parliament for the district, was paying one of his 
visits to his grandmother, and he was lodged in the chamber over the 
great chamber, which adjoined the room occiipied by Lady Alethea. 
They were there for ten days together, and probably, no doubt, some 
of the excursions were taken in one another's company. Thomas 
Tufton always paid many visits when he came down into that part 

Lady Anne's Guests. 247 

of the world, and it was no doubt necessary for him to make himself 
well known to the important persons in his constituency. 

Lady Alethea came once again to see her grandmother only a few 
months before her death. " I kissed her " she says " with great joy." 
She had not seen her for five years. She stayed a week at Appleby, 
and then returned home. 

There are a few references to other members of the family in the 
diary. EUzabeth, Countess of Cork, came to see her in 1656. She 
had left her husband in Ireland, and had her two sons and her daughter 
Elizabeth with her when she took the opportunity of coming to the 
North, and paying a visit to Lady Anne. When she went back to 
Ireland, she left her two boys, Charles, Lord Dungarvan and Richard 
Boyle in England, as the latter had just entered as a student at Queen's 
College, Oxford. Lord Cork and these two boys came to see her also 
in 1660. They were then staying at their own house at Bolton Abbey, 
and she was at Barden, so they came over and dined with her, but 
returned again the same day. 

In 1663, she refers at considerable length to the movements of the 
Boyle family. Lady Cork and her husband, and their five younger 
children had left their house in Whitefriars and journej^ed towards 
Bristol and Milford Haven, and then passed over to Ireland, to Cork, 
to Youghal, and to Lismore, for they had residences at each place. 
They then came back again to England, and stayed there for two 
years and a half, with the exception of a short journey that Lord Cork 
and his two sons took to Ireland one summer. The eldest son. Lord 
Dungarvan, married Lady Jane Seymour, the youngest daughter of 
the widowed Duchess of Somerset, and she accompanied the family 
on one of their trips to Ireland, the first time that she " had ever 
been beyond the seas." She had a sister Mary, says Lady Anne, 
who " was in Turkic at Constantinople." In 1663, they aU came back 
to Whitefriars, and the reason Lady Anne enters into all these detsiils 
is the fact that in that year the younger daughter Elizabeth was 
married to her eldest grandson Nicholas, Lord Tufton, who less than 
a month afterwards became Earl of Thanet. Then Lord Cork and his 
wife, with the rest of their children, came down to Bolton Abbey, 
and Lady Anne seems to have seen them on several occasions, as they 
came over, both to SMpton and to Barden, to pay her visits. It is 

248 Lady Anne. 

evident that by this time they had made up their minds, either to 
allow her to remain in possession of Barden Tower, or eke they had 
concluded that it was better policy to be on good terms with her for a 
while, even though she was forcibly taking possession of a part of their 
estate. Whenever they came down to Londesborough or to Bolton 
Abbey, she seems to have seen something of them, and carefully 
records the fact that they had been over to see her, or that she had 
visited them. Beyond these references there is little allusion in the 
Diary to that branch of the Clifford family. 

There are but two allusions to her Coventry relatives. In 1679, 
she tells us that on the 26th of August of that year, her grandchild, 
Lady Margaret Coventry, with her two surviving children, John and 
Margaret, came with a great company from Croome to see her, journey- 
ing by way of Nottingham, Doncaster, and over Stainmore, and sleep- 
ing the first night at Brough Castle. She received them gladly at 
Appleby, had them up into her room at once, and says " where I now 
kissed them with much joy and contentment, this being the first 
time that any of them were in Westmorland, or in any part of the 
Lands of mine Inheritance, as also the first time that ever I saw any 
to whom I am Great-Grandmother." She appears to have seen little 
of Lady Margaret. She says she had only seen her when she was 
young, and was staying with her at Baynard's Castle, just before 
she came away to the North, and that she had not been present at 
her marriage, and circumstances had prevented their meeting \mtil 
then. She put Lady Margaret in the Baron's Chamber, and her 
daughter Margaret, with her mother's gentlewoman, in the Sheriff's 
Chamber near to it, while Mr. John Coventry was lodged in the Green 
Chamber under the Withdrawing-room. True to her usual habit, 
she determined that they should see something of the neighbourhood. 
She sent them one day to Julian's Bower in Whinfell Park, and thence 
round to the Three Brother's Tree, to Lowther Hall to her cousin Sir 
John Lowther, where they dined, and in the afternoon they went on 
to Brougham Castle to see that, returning eventually to Appleby. 
They stayed with her for eight days, and then went back ageiin by 
way of BroTigh, over Stainmore, through Greta Bridge to York, 
where they stayed for a couple of days, and then made their way to 
Croome in Worcestershire, resting one night en route at Coventry. 

Lady Anne*s GuEsts. 249 

There is no other account of any visit paid by this grandchild to the 
North, but there are one or two reterences to her movements. For 
example, she speaks of Lady Thanet going down to Croome to see 
her daughter and sta37ing with her for a while, and explains exactly 
the way of the journey, saying that Lady Thanet rested one night at 
Wickham, and on her return stayed at Stow-in-the-Wold, and then 
moved on to Oxford " to see the most remarkable things there," 
and afterwards to London. She also alludes to Lady Margaret coming 
up with her own daughter from Croome to see her mother, leaving 
Lord Coventry behind. 

Her other grandchildren. Lady Frances Drax, Lady Mary Walter, 
and Lady Anne Grimston, do not seem to have come North to see 
their grandmother after their respective marriages, so far as the 
records show, but Lady Mary Walter went to see her sister at 
Gorhambury and stayed there for a fortnight, that visit being carefully 
recorded, as also her journey back to Thanet House. 

Other persons who are recorded in Lady Anne's diary amongst her 
visitors are various members of families allied and connected with 
her. I deal with them in succession. Her cousin Philip, Lord 
Wharton,^* with his second wife ;^° his eldest daughter by his first 
wife f^ his brother Sir Thomas Wharton ** and his wife ;** and their 
mother, the widow Lady Philadelphia Wharton,^* came in 1651 to 
Wharton HaU, and Lady Anne went over to see them. It was the 
first time she had seen any of them in the North, and she appears to 
have stayed a little while with them and then invited them all on a 
return visit to Appleby. 

Lord Wharton and three of his daughters by his second wife, Anne^^ 
who was Lady Anne's goddaughter, Margaret,** and Mary,^' came 
again to see her in September, 1663, coming, she says, " from their 
house called Holeigh Manor to Skipton," and remaining for a day or 
two, and then returning home again. In 1669, in June, she speaks 

" Philip, 4th Baron 1613-1695. "• Jane, daughter of Arthur Goodwyn. 

^^ Elizabeth afterwards Countess of Lindsey. ^ Sir Thomas Wharton, K.B. 
** Mary, daughter of Henry Carey, Earl of Dover. 
^ Lady Philadelphia Carey daughter of Robert, Earl of Monmouth. 
^ Afterwards wife to William Carr. 

" Afterwards wife to Major Dunch (ist). Sir T. Sulyarde (2nd) and Wm. Ross (3rd). 
" Afterwards wife to Wm. Thomas (ist) and Sir Charles Kemeys (2nd) from whom the 
present Lord Wharton descends. 

250 Lady Anne. 

also of a visit from her cousin Sir Thomas Wharton, " second and 
only brother to the now Lord Wharton." He stayed at Appleby for 
two or three days. Finally, in 1674, Philip, Lord ^'\^aarton's two 
eldest sons, " Thomas ^^ that was lately married, and Goodwin,^' 
who is yet unmarried," came from their father in London to Wharton, 
where they stayed for about a week, meantime coming to see Lady 
Anne at Pendragon for two or three days. We also hear of his three 
unmarried daughters coming to see her once during the Assizes, when 
their father was staging with Lady Anne. Lord Wharton himself 
came over many times to Appleby, as he frequently had business at 
the Assizes, and he and his brother used to stajr with Lady Anne while 
the Judges were there. She specially refers to one visit, saying that 
it was the first time she had seen her cousin after the death of his 
second wife. 

There is a curious reference to Lord Wharton in a letter preserved 
at Appleby, dated August 7th, 1665. It was written by him to Lady 
Anne when she was at Brough, complaining in bitter terms that some 
of her tenants in MciUerstang had boldly and openly killed a sow 
which belonged to him, and which he was pretty sure came from 
Wharton Park, and suggesting that she should proceed against these 
tenants and give them severe punishment. He complains of the 
obstruction to trade and commerce by reason of the plague, and sug- 
gests to her that if she is in any difficulty respecting her rents, and 
how to receive them, they might be paid to him at his house at Wobum 
in Buckinghamshire, within six miles of Windsor, and he will arrange 
to transfer the money to Lady Anne wherever she happens to be, 
whether in either of her Westmoreland castles or at Skipton. 

There are two references to visits from her Russell relatives. In 
1666, when she was in Pendragon Castle, William Russell,^" " second 
Sonne of my Cozen the Earl of Bedford and his wife, came from his 
journey into Scotland, calling by ye way at Naworth Castle in Cum- 
berland to see my Cozen the Earl of Carlisle and his Ladie that is his 
Cozen," and apparently just looked in on Lady Anne en route. 

In June, 1669, Lord Bedford's third son, who was Lady Anne's 

^ Afterwards 5th Baron. » m,P.. died 1704. 

^ Afterwards 5th Earl and ist Duke of Bedford. 

Lady Anne's Guests. 251 

cousin and godson, Edward Russell, ^^ with his wife and their children^ 
came to pay her a visit at Appleby Castle. They arrived late in the 
evening, so she did not see any of them until the next morning, the 
first time she had ever seen him in any part " of the lands of her inherit- 
ance," or that he had been so far northwards, although she refers to 
the visit of his elder brother William to her, at Pendragon. The party 
stayed with her for ten nights, and she sent them to see her castles of 
Brougham, Brough, and Pendragon, " and other the chief places of 
this country." He had come to her by way of Lancaster and Kendal, 
but he went back by way of Brough and over Stainmore, and so 
returned to Wobum, and she had word of his safe arrival there. 

Her relatives of the Herbert family are but once alluded to. It was 
in 1669 when Lord Pembroke's youngest son " but one," Mr. James 
Herbert, in company with a Mr. Thomas Saunders, came from Oxford- 
shire to pay her a visit at Appleby, where, says she, " I now kissed 
them both, it being the first time that ever I saw any of my second 
husband's children in Westmoreland or any part of my inheritance." 
They stayed with her, lodging in Caesar's Tower for five nights, and 
then, having to depart exceedingly early in the morning, took their 
leave of her the night before and journeyed over Stainmore to the 
city of York, and so onwards towards Oxfordshire. 

There is an interesting letter at Appleby addressed to Lady Anne 
from this very Mr. Herbert, acknowledging a handsome present she 
had made to his little boy for whom she stood Godmother. It was 
on the 7th of December, 1664, that he wrote to her, and she has endorsed 
the letter, saying that it was the letter from her son-in-law [meaning 
of course Step-son] " when he gives me thanks for the Plate I sent as 
a gift to his then New-born sonne Philip, to whom I was Godmother. 
The letter, rendered in ordinary spelling, reads as follows : — 


Besides the great honour which your Ladyship hath been already pleased 
to do me in being godmother to my son Philip, you have now again heaped 
such high favours upon him and me, in your present of so noble a piece of plate, 
that your name and family will ever be remembered in ours, and I could wish 
that your Ladyship's life and happiness might be preserved as long as that 

^ Edward, K.B., married Penelope widow of Sir Wm. Biooke, 

252 Lady Anne. 

piece of plate might last entire, which is the prayer of him who shall ever remain 

Madam, ,. . , , , , 

Your Ladyship's most obedient son and humole servant. 

There is also a single reference in the Diary to Lady Anne's 
Sackville relations. On the 28th of August, 1672, Mr. Richard Sack- 
ville,^^ " third son to the then Earl " of Dorset, " came from his 
journey out of Scotland from his sister Humes,*' (who lives there) and 
from the city of Carlisle (where he lay the night before) hither into 
Appleby Castle, though I saw him not till the next day, and he 
came into my chamber to me, where I kissed him, it being the first 
time that I ever saw him, or that he and any of his parents' children 
were in any part of the lands of mine inheritance." Mr. Sackville 
stayed for three days, lodging in the Baron's Chamber, and then 
resumed his journey to Kendal, and onwards to London. 

Twice she mentions visits of members of the Stanley family. In 
1656 Charles Stanley, Earl of Derby,** came to Brougham to see her, 
and there remained for three or four nights, " being " says she, " the 
first time that he was ever in that castle, where his Create Grand- 
mother,*^ my ffather's Sister by the halfe blood, was bom." Many 
years afterwards in 1674, in May, her " honourable cousin and godson 
(by Deputy) Mr. Robert Stanley, second brother to the Earl of Derby," 
came for one night to Pendragon to see her, and the next day left on 
his journey homewards to the Countess of Derby, his mother. 

She records on three occasions visits from her Howard connections. 
The first was in 1665, while the assizes were going on at Appleby, her 
cousin Charles Howard, Earl of Carlisle,** accompanied by " young 
Mr. ffenwick *' that married his eldest daughter," came to her for one 
night. They were on their way to York to attend the Duke of York 
there, and she says it was the first time she had seen her cousin the 
Earl of Carlisle since he was Ambassador for the King in " Muscovia, 
Sweden, and Dermiark." In 1669, in October, she had a visit at 

'^ Richard [really] fourth son to Richard 5th Earl of Dorset, bom 1646, died 171a. 

33 Anne, his sister, married Alexander 4th Earl of Home. •* Charles, 8th Earl. 

S6 Margaret, wife of Henry 4th Earl, only child of Henry, Earl of Cimiberland by his wife 
Eleanor Brandon. 

» Charles ist. EarL 

*' Sir John Fenwick, Bart., executed for high treason 27th Jan., 1697. His wife was Mary 

Lady Anne's Guests. 253 

Appleby Castle from Edward, Lord Morpeth,*' " (eldest Sonne to my 
Cozen Charles Howard, Earle of CarUsle) and his Ladie, who was one 
of the younger Daughters to Sir William Uvedale by his second wife 
Victoria Carey and widdow to one of the Berkeleys that was killed 
at Sea in the late Warres." Lord and Lady Morpeth only stayed for 
one night at Appleby, and were lodged in the Baron's Chamber, and 
then continued their journey towards London. 

The other allusion is at the end of her life, only a few months before 
she died, on the ist of September, 1676, when she had a visit from 
" Henry Howard, Earle of Norwich,^* and Lord Marshal of England," 
his eldest son, Lord Henry Howard,®' and Charles Howard, Earl of 
Carlisle, both of whom were her cousins. They only came for the day 
and she invited many of the gentry, both of Westmoreland and Cum- 
berland to meet them at dinner, and then in the evening they left on 
their journey towards I,ondon. She says that it was the first time 
she had seen the Lord Marshal since he was a child, and that she had 
never before met his own son. Lord Henry Howard. 

On one occasion she refers to a visit of a grandchild of Lord Wenman, 
who was on his way from Scotland to Wharton Hall, to stay with 
Lord Wharton, and who came to see her en route, and the only other 
important guest whose arrival she chronicles, is when in 1669, on the 
14th of May, she had a visit from Sir Francis Rodes the third Baronet, 
of Barlborough. He was accompanied, she says, by his sister, Mrs. 
Jane Rodes, " whose mother," she adds, " was the widow Lady Rodes, 
my Cozen german, She haveing bin younger Daiighter to my cousin 
of Cumberland. This was the first time I ever saw any of his genera- 
tion in Westmoreland." The widow lady to whom she refers was 
Anne, one of the daughters of Sir Gervase Clifton of Clifton in Notting- 
hamshire, whose mother had been Frances, the daughter of Francis, 
Earl of Cumberland, so that Lady Anne had skipped a generation in 
her reference, and was not quite as accurate as was usuaUj' the case. 
This particular Sir Francis Rodes married Martha Thornton, a Quaker, 
who was a great friend of William Penn, and their son Sir John Rodes, 
who was the last Baronet, became a Quaker, and is frequently alluded 
to in an interesting book which was written under the title of The 

*' Afterwards znd Earl. " Henry 6th Dul?e of Norfolk eventually. 

*» Afterwards 7th Duke of Norfolk. 

254 Lady Anne. 

Quaker Post Bag, by the present owner of Barlborough, Miss DeRodes 
now Mrs. Godfrey Locker-Lampson. With the Rodes visitors came, 
says Lady Anne, a Mr. Roger Mol5meux, " who had bin a Collonell 
and now also lives in Derbyshire." He was a Molyneux of Teversal, 
and was the son of the first Baronet of the family, Sir John Molynenx, 
by his wife Anne, the widow of Sir Thomas Foljambe. He was at 
that time a Colonel in the army, and he married Jane, the daughter 
and co-heir of Sir Robert Monson. When the baronetcy in the Moly- 
neux family became extinct, the property passed to the Howard- 
Molyneux family, one of whom married in 1830 the Earl of Carnarvon, 
and the estate still remains in the hands of that family. The Rodes 
visitors and their companion stayed with Lady Anne several days, 
and then journeyed to their own home, Barlborough in DerbjTshire. 




THERE are not very many references to events of public im- 
portance in the diary, but such as there are, they are worthy 
of special mention, and it will perhaps be simpler if I group 
them together, rather than intersperse them with records of other 

Lady Anne's first allusion to Parliament is in 1660, when she 
says that the new Parliament began to sit at Westminster on the 
25th of April in that year. She says that the members, both for the 
county and for the borough of Appleby, were elected most part " by 
her means," and then that the parliament " proved to be a happie 
Parliament, by calling in our Rightfull Prince Charles the second 
into England, wherein also Generall George Monck, the General! of 
the Armie in Scotland, was a great and a Happie Instrument." She 
adds that His Majesty, with his two brothers, the Dukes of York and 
Gloucester, came out of the Low Countries by sea into England, about 
the 25th of May, that they landed at Dover, and went on to Canterbury 
and Rochester, and that the day following, which she records was the 
King's birthday ; they all made their triumphant entry into the City 
of London to Whitehall. The joy, she states, was clouded with 
sorrow, however, for the death of the younger brother, Henry, Duke 
of Gloucester, who died on the 14th of September following, of 
smallpox at Whitehall, in the Prince's lodgings, and was buried 
afterwards in King Henry VII's. chapel. She also refers to the death 
of his elder sister Mary, Princess of Orange (1631-1660), who died at 
Whitehall, and was buried beside him in the same chapel. 

There are several allusions to Queen Henrietta Maria in the diary. 
The first occurs in 1660, when she mentions that about the 2nd Nov- 

2^6 Lady Anne. 

ember the Queen Dowager of England, as she calls her, daughter to 
Henry IV. of France, " widow to our late Kinge and Mother to our 
now Kinge," came to England with her yoimgest daughter Princess 
Henrietta. She says that the Queen only remained in England two 
months, and then left with her daughter for Portsmouth, and so back 
into France, and very shortly after their arrival the Princess was 
married to her cousin german the Duke of Orleans and Anjou, " he 
that is second and only brother to the now King of France. ' ' This occa- 
sion when Queen Henrietta Maria came to England, was. Lady Anne 
records, the first time that she had been since her son had been restored 
to his crown. In 1662, she alludes to the Queen's return. " She 
landed at Greenwich," she says, " having newly come from her journey 
from Calais in France, in a great Shipp over the seas, and so by the 
river of Thames." The reference is of the briefest, merely that the 
Queen had arrived. In 1665, we have a further allusion to her. She 
says that on the 29th day of June of that year, being St. Peter's Day, 
" did our Queen Mary the ffrenchwoman. Queen Dowager and mother 
to our King Charles the Second, go out of Somerset House and out of 
London Towne across over the Thames to Lambeth, and so, by easy 
day's joumej^, to Dover in Kent." She tells us that the King and 
the Duke of York, Prince Rupert, the Duke of Monmouth, and many 
other of the nobility went with the Queen Dowager as far as Dover, 
where they took their leave of her, and that then she crossed the seas, 
in one of the King's ships, and landed safely at Calais, this being, she 
adds, " the eleventh or twelfth time that she hath passed and repassed 
the seas, to and fro between England and beyond the seas," while in 
a footnote she mentions that, just before she left London, the Queen 
Dowager took her leave of " Queen Catherine, her Sonne our King's 
wife " at Hampton Court. 

Two others complete the list of references to Queen Henrietta Maria. 
They follow one another. She says that on the loth day of September 
" in this year 1669, being now Friday, died Henrietta Maria, Queen 
Mother of England, in her house called Colombe in ffrance, some four 
miles from Paris, which house she had lately caused to be built herself, 
who, if she had lived till the i6th of November following, would have 
been sixty years old." She then goes on to describe the original 
landing of Queen Henrietta Maria, and her marriage to Charles I., 

Lady Anne's Record of Public Events. 257 

" who was afterwards unfortunately beheaded " ; describes the fact 
that her funeral service took place in the Abbey Church of St. Denis, 
near Paris, in France, where her dead body was then buried, and sajTS 
that the funeral was " after the forme and magnificence as had bin 
formerly used at the funerals of the Queen Mothers of ff ranee." 
Finally, she describes her as a " woman of excellent perfections both 
of Mind and of Body." 

There is but the briefest allusion to the Coronation of Charles II., 
merely a mention that on the 23rd of April in 1661, while she herself 
was in Appleby Castle, Charles II. was crowned the King of England, 
in the Abbey Church of Westminister, with great solemnity " for 
which God be praised." 

In another document, however, an allusion occurs to the fact that 
she sent up her page Lancelot Machell, then sixteen years old, to 
London, on this occasion, to take some part in the ceremonial on her 
behalf. He could not, of course, have taken the seat to which she 
was entitled in the Abbey, but perchance, as representing a person of 
such great importance, he may have been allowed a position in^ the 
procession. The tradition in the Machell family is that for a long 
period, ranging over four hundred years, there had always been one 
of that family in the service of the Cliffords, and if Lancelot was on 
this occasion sent up to represent Lady Anne, it must have been 
peculiarly interesting to him, because it would appear that his uncle 
acted as her page thirty-six years before at the Coronation of Charles I. 
His father, Hugh Machell, was not present, as he ought to have been, 
to receive the honour of Knighthood at the Coronation of Charles I., 
and this is proved by the records of the family, which refer to his 
having been fined October 28th, 1630, for not having taken the trouble 
to come to London when summoned to that ceremonial. Lieut.-Col. 
Machell who, until his recent death, represented that family in West- 
moreland, had in his possession a scrap of paper, on which are written 
some words (not in Lady Anne's handwriting) with reference to the 
Coronation Day. They read : — 

A Ring, on the Coronation Day 
Thy friend am I assuredly 
And bid him read it 
King Charles II. 

258 Lady Anne. 

The gift of the Right Honourable Anne, Countess of Pembroke, after the 
Restauration of King Charles II. to Lancelot Machell of Crackenthorpe, Esq. 
16 years aged. 

This sentence would seem to apply to a ring which was always 
said to have been given to Lancelot upon that occasion. Unfortunately 
it appears to be no longer in existence. 

On the same piece of paper is a further sentence, " Anne, Countess 
of Pembroke, her own picture on a medal, given him twelve years of 
age, 1681." This is somewhat puzzling, because if Lancelot was six- 
teen when Charles IL was restored in 1661, he could not have been the 
same person who was twelve years of age in 1681, and probably the two 
sentences refer to two different persons, Lancelot the son of Hugh and 
Lancelot his son, the boy page, brother to Susan Machell, lady-in- 
waiting, or else that there is some grave error in the date. The picture 
and medal are still in existence, the former resembling in many respects 
the picture of Lady Anne (when Countess of Pembroke) still preserved 
at Wilton. It is that of a comparatively middle-aged person, and not 
of an old lady like the portraits of Lady Anne in the days of her 
widowhood, copies of which she was in the habit of giving away. With 
the paper is preserved one of the rare silver mendals of King Charles II. , 
one of the Coronation medals of the kind that were given away in the 
form of largesse in the Abbey, and therefore very possibly obtained 
by Machell in the place itself. The connection between Lady Anne 
and the family of the MacheUs was one of peculiar intimacy, Mrs. 
Susan Machell, an unmarried woman, but given the title of Mrs. 
by courtesy, being one of her gentlewomen, and Mr. Henry 
Machell, Susan's father, her chief steward. The medal ^ given 
to Lancelot has been supposed by some persons to have been struck 
for use at her funeral. This statement is incorrect, as the paper in 
question proves. It is rare and precious, few examples of it remaining, 

^ The Medal may be thus described : — 

O. Bust of the Countess of Dorset, three-quarter length wearing a veil over the back 

of the head, deep lace cape with brooch in front and bodice with a jewel 

ANN: covNT : of: dorsett : femb : & : movntg, &c. 
R. Faith crowned holding a Bible and leaning upon a Cross. 


Mint mark a cross crosslet. Size 1.6. 

See Medallic Illustrations (2032 e 1885 B.M.), p. 567, No. 233. 

See Pinkerton's Med. Hist., xxxiv., 2. 

Lady Anne's Record of Public Events. 259 

but on one or two of them there are rings attached, by which it is 
said the medal was worn on the occasion of the funeral. This is of 
course possible, as also is another statement that the medal was worn 
by the inhabitants of her almshouses, but it was probably not specially 
intended for either use but in all probability was struck by Lad.y Anne 
in order that she might have some personal object she could present 
to those persons to whom she desired to pay special honour, and they 
regarded it as an object of importance and wore it on different occasions. 

On the occasion of the Restoration, Lady Anne made a statement, 
the formal copy of which still remains amongst the Appleby documents, 
declaring her duty to King Charles II. It reads as follows : — " The 
Countess of Pembroke certifies that, though her law suits and repair 
of her decayed houses in these parts have very much exhausted her, 
yet the zeal and duty she bears to His Majesty and his service are such 
as (though her ability be less) she would not be behindhand with any 
of her condition and quality in testifying the great joy she has for the 
King's happy restoration, she therefore takes the boldness to subscribe 
for the pajnnent of four hundred pounds at the end of the following 
November, as soon as her jointure rents shall be received." 

Lady Anne alludes twice to Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia. She 
tells us that on the 17th of May, 1661, the Queen came over the seas, 
out of the Low Countries to England to the City of London, to visit 
her two nephews, Charles II. and the Duke of York, and adds that 
the Queen had been now out of England forty-eight years and a month. 
She tells us that Queen Elizabeth stayed, for the most part, at Lord 
Craven's house in Drury Lane until January, when she moved to the 
new built house called Leicester House in the Fields, not far from 
Charing Cross, but that she was only in Leicester House for a month, 
and there it was that she died. The other allusion is in 1662, when 
she records the fact of the Queen's death. She describes her as 
" aunt to the King and the Duke of York," and says that she died at 
Leicester House in the Fields, and that she was buried in Henry VII. 's 
chapel in Westminster Abbey, near to her father and mother, her 
nephew, Henry, Duke of Gloucester, and his sister Mary, that she had 
lived in England since the preceding May, and died on the eve of 
the anniversary of her wedding day, forty-nine years before. She 
also adds that none of the widowed Queen's children were with her 

26o Lady Anne. 

when she died, except her son Prince Rupert, who was then in England. 

Lady Anne had several times come into intimate connection with 
the Queen of Bohemia, and amongst the papers at Appleby Castle 
there is an interesting letter to her, written from the Hague in her own 
hand by Elizabeth of Bohemia, when Princess. 

The allusions to Queen Catherine of Braganza are also shore. Lady 
Anne only mentioning the Queen twice. The first occurs in 1662, 
when she says that the Infanta of Portugal, daughter to the late King, 
and sister to the present King of Portugal, after she had taken leave 
of the Queen Dowager her mother, her brother and her sisters, came 
on one of the King's great ships riding near Lisbon, and landed safely 
about the 14th of May at Portsmouth, after she had lain upon the 
seas in her journey from Lisbon ever since the 23rd of April. She 
records that the King met her at Portsmouth, and that the following 
day the wedding took place there in a public manner, she mentions 
that from thence Queen Catherine travelled to Winchester, then to 
Famham Castle, and so on to Hampton Court, and narrates the fact 
that, soon after the Court had arrived at Hampton Court, Lady 
Thanet, and her daughter Lady Frances (afterwards Lady Frances 
Drax), went down to pay their respects to the new Queen. There is 
also the briefest possible allusion in the following year to Queen 
Catherine's miscarriage, and a statement that it was the third time 
that this unhappy event had occurred. 

The momentous and most unfortunate visit which the Duchesse 
d'Orleans paid to England in 1670 is referred to. Lady Anne describes 
with some satisfaction the fact that on the i6th of May, 1670, " Princess 
Henrietta Maria, Wife of the Duke of Orleans," came from Dunkirk 
over the sea into England, landing at Dover, and narrates that the 
King, her brother, with the Duke of York and Prince Rupert, went to 
meet her, that later on, the Queen visited her at Dover, but that the 
Princess made a short stay and then returned back into France. 
She then goes on to describe her arrival at St. Cloud, when she was 
taken with " a sudden and violent distemper," " thought to be a kind 
of bilious colic," whereof she died there on Monday the 20th of the 
month following, about four o'clock in the morning, which sad news, 
said Lady Anne, was brought into England to Whitehall the 22nd of 
the same month by an express from " Mr. Montague, our King's 

Lady Anne's Record of Public Events. 261 

Ambassador at Paris," to the " great grief of His Majesty and the rest 
of her relations." 

Another visit to the King is recorded, that of His Highness William 
of Nassau, Prince of Orange, " Oldest and only child to our now King 
of England's eldest sister, deceased. ' ' Three days before this happened, 
the King had opened Parliament, and Lady Anne had made one of 
her very rare references to public events in alluding to this. She says 
that the House reassembled at Westminster, " where our now King 
Charles was then present in the House of Lords, habited in his Royal 
Robes, and the Crown upon His head, and having taken His Place 
with the usuall ceremonies in the Chair of Estate, His Majesty made 
a gracious speech, in short, to both Houses, leaving the Lord Keeper 
to open the particulars more at large." Then, three days after- 
wards, the Prince of Orange arrived. He had taken ship, she 
tells us, at the " Briol in Holland," and he landed at Margate, from 
whence he went to Canterbury by post, and then by coach to Rochester. 
There he stopped for a night, and the following day came on to Graves- 
end, and so by one of the King's barges along the river to Whitehall, 
where the King and Queen, his uncle and aunt, and the Duke and 
Duchess of York, all received him with great demonstration of affection 
and joy, this being the first time that ever this young Prince came into 
England. It seems likely that the real reason for narrating this event 
at such length in the diary is that the Prince of Orange was lodged 
in the rooms by the Cockpit at Whitehall, which originally were at 
the disposal of Lady Anne's second husband, the Earl of Pembroke, 
" wherein," says she, " my late Lord, the Earl of Pembroke, did use to 
lye, and wherein that Lord of mine dyed." She must have been well 
acquainted with those rooms and interested in the fact that the Prince 
of Orange was occupying them. She goes on to state that the Prince 
went to Windsor Castle for one night, that he visited the Universities 
both of Oxford and of Cambridge, and that he went to " see Audley 
End House and other remarkable places in the kingdom." He was 
attended by the Earl of Ossory, whom the King had appointed to be 
with him in his voyage, and he left England on the 13th of February, 
going from Whitehall to Rochester and thence to Sheerness, where 
he went on board one of the King's yachts " and so," says she, " passed 
safe and well over seas into his own country." 

262 Lady Anne. 

One can invariably trace in these entries in Lady Anne's diary some 
reason for the recording of a public event, and that a reason in some 
way connected with herself or her family. I have just referred to 
the Prince of Orange having occupied her late husband' s rooms at the 
Cockpit, and the only other entry respecting the visit of a Prince to 
England is clearly mentioned because he stayed for a while at Wilton. 
It was in the year 1669, ^^ March, that she teUs us that the "Prince of 
Tuscany who was the eldest son to Cosmo de Medici the great Duke of 
Florence in Italy, ' ' and who married the ' ' Duke of Orleans' daughter by 
his second wife," came from Spain to England, in the course of paying 
a series of visits to " the several Princes in Christendom to their several 
Courts." He had been first in Ireland and then she says " He landed 
at Plymouth, made his way to Exeter, and by slow journeys to Salis- 
bury, " where," she teUs us, '' he was magnificently entertained " in 
April by the then Earl of Pembroke at his house at Wilton, and later on, 
the Prince of Tuscany came to London to Whitehall and was accom- 
modated in what she calls " the house called the Pell-Mell near St. 
James's " He went to visit Oxford, Cambridge, Althorp, Hampton 
Court, Windsor Castle, Audley End and New Hall, and other places, 
and then left for Harwich and over the seas to Holland. 

She alludes briefly to the death of the Duchess of York, 
styling her " that Anne Hyde that was Duchess of York," evidently 
implying by this particular phraseology that she did not regard her 
as a person of great moment. She died, so Lady Anne states, on 
March 31st, 1671, in one of the rooms at the King's House at St. 
James's '' wherein had formerly dyed Queen Mary," and she mentions 
that the Duke of York and her three surviving children were present 
at the death, and that the body, accompanied by Prince Rupert, who 
was the chief mourner, and many of the English nobility, was buried 
on the 5th of April in Henry VII. 's Chapel. 

The only other reference to any member of the Royal Family that 
occurs in Lady Anne's diary is when she states that on the 21st of 
November, 1674, the Duchess of Modena, with her daughter and 
" many persons of quality," came from their journey " out of Italy 
(their own country) " and landed at Dover, where, says she, " His 

" See the Travels of Cosmo III., Grand Duke of Tuscany, by Count Lorenzo Magalotti (B.M., 
G, 74" and 586, g 12, 1 821). Magalotti was a friend of Sir Isaac Newton. 

Lady Anne's Record of Public Events. 263 

Royal Highness the Duke of York met them, and married the said 
Duchess's daughter for his second wife." She then alludes to the 
journey up to London to Whitehall and St. James's Palace, and to 
the fact that the Duchess of Modena only stayed in London three 
days, and went back from England on her journey into Italy," to her 
own home there," accompanied by all her retinue. 

One curiously odd reference occurs in the year 1670, where she 
mentions, without any apparent reason, the fact that Cardinal Paul 
Emilius Altieri was elected and proclaimed Pope by the name of 
Clement X, and she adds that there had been a vacancy since the 
9th of December, and that that was " the longest that there had been 
in the Papacy since the reigns of Henry IV,. V., and VL" 

To the two events of the Plague and the Fire she makes the briefest 
of allusion. Of the Plague she merely says that in that particular 
year in which she is writing there was " a great plague in the Cittie 
and Suburbs of London whereof there dyed for severaU weeks together 
above eight thousand a week, the like whereof was never knowne in 
London before." The Fire, however, interested her rather more, 
because it consumed both Great and Little Dorset House,^ and spared 
Thanet House. Of it, therefore, she makes a more lengthy mention. 
She speaks of the fire breaking out " in several places and houses 
within the walls of the Cittie of London." She says it " continued 
rageing there for about four days together before it could be quenched." 
She speaks of its consuming " that ancient and noble Church of St. 
Paul's " and the " whole streets of Cheapside, Blackfriars, and WMte- 
friars, " and all the houses in these streets and the river of Thames," 
but, true to her home and family instinct, specially mentions that it 
burnt down not only Ba5mard's Castle but Great Dorset House and 
Little Dorset House, " in which three places," says she, " I had spent 
much of my time whenT was wife to my first and second husbands," 
and then she adds that in all this desolation, Thanet House in Alders- 
gate Street,* " my daughter of Thanet's jointure house, was preserved." 

2 Dorset House had been origiiially the town residence of the Bishop of Salisbury, and was 
bought from the See in Elizabeth's time by Sir Richard Sackville, who moved into it from 
Fleet Street. Four successive Earls of Dorset were born in the house, and each generation 
added on it, until, at length, it became so unwieldy that it was divided into two portions> 
known as Great and Little Dorset House (see Bell's " Great Fire of London," page 152). 

* In later days it was let to Lord Shaftesbury, and during his absence abroad John Locke 
lived there. It came back after his tenancy, into Lord Thanet's hands but retained the name 

264 Lady Anne. 

With regard to the Great Fire, there is at Appleby an interesting 
letter dated September 12th, 1666, in which Lady Thanet writes to 
her mother at Skipton, she being at that time sojourning at Stamford. 
She had only arrived the previous night, having fled away from 
London, and she says in the letter " I hear it confirmed that Thanet 
House is safe from the fire, and likewise Aldersgate Street, the nearest 
that it came my house was Surgeon's HaU on the backside my garden, 
which is burnt down to the ground." She goes on to say that the 
Goldsmiths had secured all their money in the Tower, and that she 
has heard that Dorset House was burnt down, but is not quite clear 
whether that was the case or not. She adds " whether I have a bed 
left at Thanet House or not, I do not know." Lord Hatton, she says, 
had told her that aU was " burnt down from Pudding Lane, that is 
the Bear at the Bridge foot, to Temple Bar." She concludes by 
saying that she had sent a man up to London to her steward to arrange 
if the beds had been carried out of the house, some of them were to 
be got in again, because aU round about was dangerous from the 
plague and the smallpox, there was hardly any accommodation in 
the neighbouring houses, and it would be better in the circumstances 
to stay in Thanet House, even if it had been injured, than to try for 
other accommodation in the district. 

of Shaftesbury House. At a far later period of its history it became a lying-in hospital and 
eventually was pulled down. In 1766 it is described as a " noble and elegant building of brick 
surmounted with stone " and is then declared to have been " built by the masterly hands of 
Inigo Jones." From the prints of it one gathers that it had certainly much the appearance 
of his work. There is a court near by still called Shaftesbury Court. Lord Thanet had a 
house in the latter part of the i8th century in Great Russell Street, but his earliest residence 
before he built a house in Aldersgate Street was in Fleet Street near to Childs' Bank where 
this site is still known as Thanet Place. 




WE are fortunate enough to have full and elaborate details 
concerning the last few months of Lady Anne's life, since, 
in the general destruction of papers which took place many 
years ago, some few were saved, and amongst them the pages from 
her Day-by-Day book, describing the various events of her life in 
elaborate detail, from the ist of January, 1676, down to the 21st of 
March of the same year. These entries are given verbatim, as they 
are of special interest, and contain important information concerning 
Lady Anne's life, and her personal habits. They have never hitherto 
been printed in fuU, only a few brief extracts having been made from 
them by Wm. Jackson, F.S.A. in a paper he read before the White- 
haven Scientific Association in 1873. 

They read as follows : — 

January, the ist day, 1676. And this forenoon there came hither 
from her House at Seatree Park Mrs. Winch, so I had her into my 
chamber and kissed her, and she dined without with my folks in the 
Painted Room, and after I had her again into my chamber and talked 
with her a good while, and I gave her four pairs of Buckskin Gloves 
that came from Kendal. 

And this evening about seven o'clock after I weis in bed did Allan 
Strickland comitt some disorder in my house of which I was acquainted 
next morning by Mr. Thomas Gabetis my Sheriff but he shewing a 
regret and compunction for these misdemeanors I was moved upon 
his ingenious acknowledgement and confession to pardon him. 

This morning about ten o'clock did some of my chief folks vizt, 
Mr. Thomas Gabetis my Sheriff, Mr. George Sedgewick, Mr. Edward 
Hasell, Mr. Henry Machell ; and the men to the first three, ride on 

266 Lady Anne. 

horseback to my Cousins Mr. John Dalstons at Mjlbrigg and dined 
ther with him and his wife and children but came back hither again 
about five o'clock at night. 
I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber this day. 

Psa. 121. 

The 2nd day, Being Sunday I went not out of the House nor out 
of my Chamber to-day, but my two Gentlewomen, Mrs. Pate and 
Mrs. Susan MacheU [daughter of Lancelot Machell] and Mrs. Thomas 
Gabetis, my Sheriff, and his wife and three of my Laundry Maids and 
some of my Chief Servants went to Ninekirks where Mr. Grastyi 
preached a sermon to them and the Congregation. 

And to-day there dined without with my folks in the Painted Room 
and with the Sheriff and his wife, Mr. Grasty, our parson, my two 
Farmers here, William Spedding and his wife Jeffrey Bleamire and his 
son, so after dinner I had them into my Room and kissed the Women 
and took the Men by the hand, and a httle after Mr. Grasty, the parson, 
said Common Prayer and read a Chapter and sang a Psalm as usual 
to me, £ind them my family, and when prayers was done they went 

3rd Day. There dined here with my folks and with Mr. Thomas 
Gabetis, my Sheriff, and his Wife, Mr. Lancelot MacheU of Cracken- 
thorpe, so after dinner I had him into my Chaunber and took him by 
the Hand and talked with him, and I gave him a pair of Buckskin 
Gloves and afterwards he went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

4th Day. By the Gazette I this day received from London by the 
post, the King by his proclamation doth forbid all coffee-houses in 
selling of coffee publicly.^ 

5th Day. And by a letter received this day from my daughter, 
Thanett, dated the 30th December I came to know that she is much 
troubled with a pain in her head but that all her posterity are weU, 
and that the Lord Hatton was married to his second wife Mrs. Yel- 
verton the 21st day of last month. 

And this afternoon did my Housekeeper Richard Lowes come into 

^ Samuel Grasty, M.A., presented to the living of Brougham by Lady Anne in 1664. 

^ This refers to the suppression of coffee-houses on the ground that they were " the resort of 
disaffected persons who nourished sedition, spread reports to the defamation of the Government 
and disturbed the quiet and peace of the uatioa." 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 267 

my Chamber to prayers, whome i had not seen in two months before 
by reason of his great sickness so I took him by the hand and talked 
with him. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day, Psa. 23rd. 

6th Day. Bemg Twelfth day there dined here with my folks and 
my Sheriff and his Wife, Mr. Samuel Grasty, our Parson, and Mr. 
James Buchanan,' the Parson of Appleby, and his two sons and also 
John Webster, so after dinner I had them into my Chamber, and took 
them by the hand, and afterwards Mr. Grasty said prayers and read 
a Chapter as he usually did upon Wednesdays to me and them and my 
family and then prayers ended they went away. 

This morning after I was out of bed I was so weak that I had a 
swoning fitt but God be praised I recovered soon after. 

And this morning I set my hand to three good letters of Hasells' 
writing for me, one to my daughter Thanett, one to my Lord South- 
ampton,* and one to Mr. WiUiam Edge all in answer to letters I received 
the last post. 

I went not out of my Chamber all this day. 

7th Day. There dined here to-day without in the Painted Room 
with my folks and my Sheriff and his Wife, Justice WilHam Musgraves 
of Penrith and I had him into my Chamber, and I took him by the 
hand and talked with awhile and I gave him a pair of gloves and then 
he went away. 

And this afternoon did my Sheriff and his Wife and servants after 
they had layen here during this Christmas viz. : for fourteen nights 
together, rid away on Horseback from me and us here towards there 
[sic] own homes at Crosby Ravenside. 

I went not out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 9th Day, Being Sunday yet I went not out of my Chamber 
all this day, Ergo, consequently. (Eccle) but my two Gentlewomen 

* James Buchanan, the son of a prebendary, presented to the living of Appleby by Lady Anne 
in 1661. 

* It is not easy to understand this entry as the last Earl of Southampton died i6 May, 1667. 
It Is probably an error for Northampton ; see under date Feb. 17. 

^ This Judge was the second son of Simon Musgrave of Musgrave Hall in Middlegate, Penrith. 
He was baptized June 22nd, 1607, married a wife, EUzabeth, had a family of eight children, 
and died January 25th, 1685-6. The parish register records the fact that he was " buryed in 
Wooline." The Cliffords and Musgraves were kinsfolk, see Cumberland and Westmorland 
Archaeological Transactions, vol. xv., pages 82-104. 

268 Lady Anne. 

and three of my Laundry Maids and most of my Men Servants went 
to the Church of Ninekirks where Mr. Grasty, our Parson, preached a 
good sermon to them and the Congregation. And to-day there dined 
without in the Painted Room with my folks Mr. Grasty, the Parson, 
and my two Farmers here and after dinner I had them into my Chamber 
and took them by the hand and talked with them, and afterwards 
Mr. Grasty, our Parson, said Common Prayers and read a Chapter and 
STUig a Psahn £is usueiI upon Sundays to me and to them and to my 
Family and when prayers was ended they went away. 

And this gth Day did I fix upon a Day to receive the Blessed Sacra- 
ment with my Family which I intend, God willing, shall be the 25th 
of this month. 

loth Day. And to-day there dined here with my folks my Cousin 
Thomas Sandford's Wife of Askham ® and her second son so after 
dinner I had them into my Chamber and kissed her and took him by 
the hand, and I gave her a pair of Buckskin Gloves and him five 
shillings and then they went away. 

And about five of the clock this Evening did George Goodgeion 
bring me 28 books of Devotion he bought for me at Penrith, and I 
then saw them paid for, and gave them all away but six to my Domestic 

The 12th Day. There dined here in the Painted Chamber with my 
folks, Mrs. Jane Carleton, the Widdow sister to Sir William Carleton,^ 
deceased, so after dinner I had her into my Chamber, and I kissed her 
and talked with her awhile, and I gave her 5s. and she went away, 
and Mr. Grasty, our parson, also dined here as usual on Wednesdays 
with me and my Family, and after prayer he read the Exhortation for 
receiving the Sacrament which I intend, God willing, to receive the 
25th of this month with my family and then he went away. 

I went not out of my house nor out of my chamber to-day. Psa. 23rd. 

•The Sandford's of Askham were connected with the Sandfords of Howgill Castle. The 
family became extinct in the male line in 1730. Askham Hall was a large, old border tower 
which was enlarged in 1574 ty Thomas Sandford, as can be proved by the inscription of that 
date which appears on the west gateway in conjunction with the arms of Sandfords, Cracken- 
thorpe, Lancaster and English, and the initials in two pairs T.S. and A.S. Thomas Sandford 
transformed it into an Elizabethan mansion, the building being fully described in Curwen's 
Castles and Towers, page 347. The wife of Thomas Sandford mentioned by Lady Anne was 
one EUzabeth who, according to the parish registers, died a widow July nth, 1705. 

' Of Carleton, near Penrith, a very ancient family. 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 269 

The 14th Day. And this morning after the Week Book was paid 
did Mr. Henry Machell, my Steward, ride away towards Crackenthorpe 
and the next day towards evening he came back again. 

And to-day there dined here without in the Painted Room with 
my folks, Mr. John Gihnoor and his man William Labourn, my keeper 
of Whinfell Park, but his man dined in the Hall, so after dinner I had 
them into my Chamber and took them by the hand and talked with 
them and then they went away. 

And there also dined here Elizabeth Atkinson ® daughter of Mr. 
Warcopp so after dinner she came into my Chamber and I kissed her 
and gave her two shillings and sixpence and then she went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 17th Day. To-day there dined without with my folks my 
Cousin Mr. Thomas Burbeck * of Hornby and his wife and their little 
daughter, and his father-in-law Mr. Catterick and his wife and his 
Mother, and they also all dined here, Mr. Robert Carleton,^" only son 
to the widdow Lady Carlton, so after dinner I had them all into my 
Chamber and kissed the women, and took the men by the hand and 

* It seems to be possible that this Elizabeth Atkinson may have been the widow of Captain 
Atkinson who was concerned in the Kaber Rigg plot. Atkinson was a man of considerable 
social influence, and a zealous supporter of Oliver Cromwell. He was one of those who attempted 
to choose a Round-head mayor for Appleby by force of arms, and he it was who induced 
the Prcitector to impose a new charter upon the Borough of Appleby which the Mayor and 
Corporation refused to accept, and declined to carry out any of its provisions. At the Restora- 
tion, Atkinson adhered to the laws which the nation had set aside, rose in rebellion against the 
constituted authority at Kaber Rigg, was taken prisoner and tried by a Special Commission 
as a traitor. He had been a bitter opponent of Lady Anne, and she was deeply interested 
in the trial, and cannot refrain in a certain exultation when he was condemned and executed. 

According, however, to her customary habit she had no sooner got her enemy out of her way 
than she herself did all she could for those remaining behind him. She appears to have been 
particularly kind to Mrs. Atkinson and to the traitor's children, permitting them to remain 
on their father's estate at Dale Foot at quite a nominal rent, and it is stated that their descendants 
continue there to the present day. It is rather a curious fact that the Warcops had sold their 
property to the Braithwaites only a little while before, and the Braithwaites had moved what 
little they could of heaven and earth on behalf of Atkinson when he got into his trouble. It 
seems therefore to be quite likely that this EUzabeth Atkinson, who was a Warcop, was the 
person in question and belonged to the family not more than two generations away from those 
who sold the Warcop Manor. 

'The Birkbecks of Hornby Hall near Brougham, not of Hornby Castle, Craven. The house 
is near to Ninekirks Church. It used to contain the finest carved oak in the county ; all 
of it is now to be found in Lowther Castle and there is an interesting story concerning its 
removal to that place. 

^^ Robert, the only son of the second wife of Sir Wm. Carleton of Carleton. She was Barbara 
daughter of Robert de la Vale of Cowpan, 

270 Lady Anne. 

I gave to my Cousin Mr. Burbeck and his Wife each ten shillings, 
and his Mother ten shillings, and his Father-in-law Mr. Catterick and 
his wife each of them ten shillings, and six shillings to the child, and 
then I gave Mr. Carleton a pair of Buckskin Gloves and then they cill 
went away. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 19th Day. I remember how this day was 59 years in the 
withdrawing chamber of Queen Anne the Dane, in the Court at White- 
hall did that Queen admonish me to persistt in my denyall of trusting 
my cause concerning the lands of my Inheritance to her husband 
King James's award, which admonition of hers and other my friends, 
did much confirm me in my purpose so as the next day I gave that 
King an absolute denyall accordingly which by God's Providence 
tended much to the good of me and mine. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. Psa. ist. 

The 22nd Day. There dined here without with my folks in the 
Painted Room Mr. Robert WiUison of Penrith, the Post Master, so 
after dinner I had him into my chamber and took him by the hand 
and talked with him and saw him paid for a Rimdlet of Sack another 
of White Wine and a Gallon of Clarett ^^ against my receiving the Holy 

The 24th Day. And this day there was none that dined here nor 
visited me, so I spent the day in hearing some chapters read to me 
and in preparing myself to receive the Holy Sacrement of Bread and 
Wine which I intend, God willing, to receive with my family. 

The 25th Day. I remembered how this day was 52 years, in the 
withdrawing Room Chamber at Knowle House in Kent as we satt 
at dinner, had my first Lord and I a great falling out, when but the 
day before I came from London, from being Godmother to his Brother's 
youngest son. Deut., c. 23, v. 5.: — "Nevertheless the Lord thy 
God would not hearken unto Balaam, but the Lord thy God turned 
the curse into a Blessing, because the Lord thy God loveth thee." 
And this Morning about eight o'clock did Mr. Samuel Grasty, our 
parson, preach a good Sermon in my Chamber to me and my family 
and a little after he administered the Sacrement of Bread and Wine 
to me and my family, viz., to Mrs. Frances Pate and Mrs. Susan Machell 

" Was all this Gallon of Clarett to be used for the early Communion next day? 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 271 

(my two Gentlewomen), Dorothy Demain, Margaret Dargue, Anne 
Chipendale, and Jane Slidall my four Laundry Maids, Isabella Jordon 
my Washwoman, Mr. Edward Hasell [Estate Steward], Mr. Henry 
MacheU [Appleby Estate Steward], George Boodion [valet], Edward 
Forster, AUan Strickland [Chief Steward], William Dargue, Jos. Hall 
[Chief Groom], Abraham Fitter [Postillion], Isaac Walker [Stable 
Groom], Richard Raynolson, William Buckle, Richard Lowes [House 
Steward], Cuthbert RawUng, Jacob Murgatroids, Arthur Swinden 
[Under Butler], and George Lough, the Clark, which I nor they received 
since the third of November last, and Parson Grasty dined here with 
my folks and then he went. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. Psa. 121. 

The 28th Day. And this morning by letters I received from my 
daughter Thanett and by the packet of this week from London I 
came to know that she herself my said daughter was well and most of 
her generation and posterity in their several places and homes. 

The 29th Day. And yesternight late did John Bradford come 
from Skipton and over Cotter and Stake afoot hither, but I did not 
see him tiU this morning and he brought the news of Mrs. Sutton's 
death, the Mother of my Almshouse at Beamsly. 

And this morning about six o'clock before I got out of my bed did 
I pair the tops of my Nails of my Fingers and toes and burnt them in 
the fire after I was up, I went not out of the House nor out of my 
Chamber to-day. 

The 30th Day. Being Sunday I considered how this was 86 years, 
then Friday about seven o'clock in the Evening was my blessed 
Mother with very hard labour brought to bed of me in her own Chamber 
in Skipton Castle, my Brother Robert, Lord Clifford, then all lying 
in that Castle, but my Noble Father then lay in Bedford House in the 
Strand at London. 

The 31st Day. And this day did my family keep as a fast the 
Martyrdom of King Charles the ist, tho' he was beheaded the day 
before, the day being commanded by Act of Parliament. And this 
day about three o'clock in the afternoon did John Twentyman, 
Gardener, to the Lord Bishop of Carlisle,!^ came from Rose Castle in 

^2 Amongst the papers at Appleby Castle, there is a letter from this Bishop of Carlisle to 
Lady Anne. It is dated Feb. 22, 1663-4, and in it th^ Bishop says that he understands by 

272 Lady Anne. 

Cumberland hither to this Brougham Castle to look after and order 
my Garden here,^* so he lay in the Bannister Room five nights to- 
gether, during which time he worked in my Garden here, upon 
Saturday the Fifth of Febuary, in the mormng, he went home again, 
and I sent by him a Bottle of the Pulp of Pomcittron ^* to the Bishop 
of Carlisle. 

February the 7th Day. Being Shrove Monday, and to-day there 
dined without with my folks, Dorothy Wiber, the woman of my 
Almshouse at Appleby, and after dinner I had her into my Chamber 
and saw her paid for five dozen yards of Bonlace, but I was very angry 
with her for bringing so much and told her I would have no more 
of her. 

I went not out of my house nor out of my Chamber to-day. Psa. 121. 

And this afternoon about one o'clock, after I had taken my leave 
of them in my Chamber, did Mr. Edward HaseU and Christopher 
Rawling ride out of this Brougham Castle, towards Rose Castle in 
Cumberland to his Uncle and Aunt the Bishop of Carlisle ^^ and his 
Lady, when he and bis Man, lay three nights, and on the 14th day they 
came back again hither. 

I went not out of my house nor out of My Chamber to-day. 

This afternoon, about one o'clock, did Sir George Fletcher^® and his 
lady and her daughter by her first husband, and Mr. Fleming " and 

Sir Philip Musgrave that she has been pleased to give way to the exchange of Brougham and 
Calbeclt, " whereby," says he, " two worthy men may be pleasured, and God and His Church 
in both places well served." He then begs leave to be excused from coming to see her, and 
making, as he says, her Castle his inn, as the time that he has at his disposal when in that part 
of Westmoreland is very short. He was going to take a confirmation at Penrith on the 2nd March, 
and must, he says, be in Appleby for a similar duty on the following day. 

^ Perhaps for Topiary work similar to that being introduced at this period at Rose Castle 
and Levens Hall. 

1* Perchance a kind of apple and lemon marmalade. 

^ Dr. Rainbow. His portrait, and that of Mrs. Rainbow still hang at the Hasells place, 
Dalemain, near Penrith. 

" Sir George Fletcher of Hutton and his wife Maria, daughter of the Earl of Annandale. 
His wife's firat husband was Sir George Graham, Bart., of Netherby, she had by him one 
daughter, Margaret. 

" This must be Daniel Fleming of Rydal Water (1633-1701), who married Barbara Fletcher, 
daughter of Sir Henry Fletcher of Hutton, and who had by her fifteen children. He is the 
hero of Dr. Magrath's amazing work on "The Flemings in Oxford, 1650-1700," a veritable 
directory of the notable people in Westmoreland at the period. From this book we have had 
by special permission the privilege of making frequent quotations, all of which are marked 
thus (F). The eldest daughter was Catherine, who appears to have married in 1677 Rog*r 
Moore, afterwards Recorder of Kendal. (F.) 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 273 

his eldest daughter, come hither, so I had them into my chamber 
and kissed the women and took the men by the hand, and Sir George 
delivered to me severall letters of my ancestors, which were sent me 
by order of my Lord Marshall, and after I had talked with them and 
given the women each of them an emerald gold ring they all went 

12th day. In the morning did I see Mr. Robert WiUison ^^ of Penrith, 
paid for a rundlet of sack, but I was very angry with h'm, because 
I thought it too dear, and told him I would have no more of him, 
and then he slipt away from me in a good hurry. 

The 14th Day. And this day did John Webster come hither into 
my Chamber so I took him by the hand and talked with him and 
then he retreated into the Dining Room, and dined with my folk. 

And this 14th day early in the morning did my Black Spoted Bitch 
called Zurmue [the word may be " Quinne "] pupp in my Bed and 
Chamber four little puppies but they were all dead. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 15th Day. And came hither this afternoon about one o'clock 
my Cousin Mrs. Anne Howard,^* sister to Mr. Francis Howard of 
Corby ^^ and her cousin Sir Charles Howard's daughter and two other 
Gentlemen with them, whose names I know not, so I had them into 
my Chamber and kissed the women and took the men by the hand 
and talked with them a good while, and a little after they rode away 
on Horseback to the said Corby Castle in Cumberland. 

I went not out of my house nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

17th Day. I remember how this day was 60 years when I and 
my first Lord lay in Little Dorsett House in London Town in the 
afternoon in the best Gallery in Great Dorsett House did George Abbot, 
Archbishop of Canterbury and many others come to my first Lord 
and mee and did earnestly perswaid mee both by fair words and 
threatings to stand to the award of the four judges, wou'd then make 

1^ This man who supplied Lady Anne with her wine was doubtless a vintner who was at the 
same time an inn-keeper. There is some interesting evidence to this effect in Bishop Nicolson's 
diary under date February 27th, 1684-5. The Archdeacon of Carlisle, who was a pluralist. 
Rector of Salkeld and and many other livings, although still residing at Oxford, had to go 
with the bishop's address to Penrith, and he particularly records that on that occasion he lodged 
at R. Willisons. 

M Died unmarried 1683. 

'"' Governor of Carlisle, died 1702, his brother married a Dalston of Acorn Bank. 


274 Lady Anne. 

betwixt my first Lord and mee on the one part and my Uncle of 
Ciimberland and his son on the other part concerning the land of 
mine inheritances and thereupon it was agreed that I should go to 
my Blessed Mother In Westmoreland and begin my Journey the 2ist 
of that month, which I did accordingly. Eccles., c. 3 ; Pro., c. 20. 

And this 17th day in the afternoon about three o'clock did my 
Cousin Mr. Richard Musgrave *^ oldest son to my cousin Sir Philip 
Musgrave, and his Lady and their daughter, who is their only chUd, 
come in their coach hither from EdenhaU, and I had them into my 
Chamber, and kissed my said Cousin and his wife and the child and 
also their gentlewomen and I gave to my Cousin, wife and child, each 
of them a gold Ring, and after they had stayed awhile they went away. 
And this day did my Servant, Mr. Thos. Strickland, and his man, 
Lancelot Machell, ride from his own house near Kendtd called Gamett 
House towards Appleby whither they came that night to gather my 
Candlemas Rents, and he lay in the Barron's Chamber there and his 
man in the Musty Chamber. And to-day I had one or two very iU 
fitts. Yet I slept well in the night, thank God. 

I went not out of my house nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

17th day. This morning did I sett my handwriting to four good 
letters of HaseU's writing, one to my granddaughter of Thanett, one 
to my Lord Northampton, one to Sir Thomas Wharton,^^ and one 
to Mr. William Edge, all in answer to letters I received from them by 
the last post. 

The 20th Day. And tho' to-day was Sunday, yet I went not out 
to Church nor out of my Chamber aU this day, but my two Gentle- 
women and three of my Laundry Maids and most of my chief men 
Servants went to this Church called Ninekirks where he preached 
a good Sermon, vizt., Mr. Grasty, our Parson, so them and the rest 
conjectured tho' one part thereoff seemed to reflect upon the writer, 
so that I thought he spoke to none but me. 

After dinner Mr. Grasty said Common Prayers, and read a Chapter 
and sang a Psahn as usual upon Sundays to me and to my Family. 

The 2ist Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years did my 

2' Afterwards 3rd Bart., he married Margaret, daughter to Sir Thomas Harrison and had 
only one child, Mary, afterwards Mrs. Davyson of Durham. 
'"'Of Edlington, York, grandson of Philip, 3rd Baron, whose wife was Lady Frances Clifford. 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 275 

first Lord and I go out of Little Dorsett House in London Town on 
our Journey Northwards so as that night we lay in the Inn at Dunstable 
in Bedfordshire as were in our Journey, I towards Brougham Castle 
to my Blessed Mother and he to sett me on my way as farr as Lichfield 
in Staffordshire. Eccle., c. 3rd, etc. 

The a2nd Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years my first 
Lord and I went out of the Inn at Dunstable and so through Stony 
Stratford and hard by Grafton House, in Northamptonshire, into the 
Inn at Towcestor in that County as we were in our Journey Northwards. 

Before I was out of my bed did I pare off the tops of the naUs of 
my fingers and toes, and when I was up I burnt them in the chimney of 
my chamber, and a little after in this same chamber of mine did George 
Goodgion clip off all the hair of my head, which I likewise burnt in 
the fire, and after supper I washed and bathed my feet and legs in 
warm water, wherein beef had been boiled and brann. And I had 
done none of this to myself since the 13th of December that George 
Goodwin cut my hair for me in this chamber of mine. God grant that 
good may betide me and mine after it. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 23rd day I remembered how this was 60 years my first Lord 
and I went out of the Inn at Stony Stratford, into my Cousin Thomas 
Ehnes's House at Lillford, in Northamptonshire, for awhile and so 
that day into the Inn at Warwick, in Warwickshire, where we lay 
that night. 

And to-day there dined with my folks in the Painted Room Mr. 
Samuel Grasty, our parson, and afterwards he said Common Prayers 
and read a Chapter as usual on Wednesdays to me and my Family 
and there also dined without with my folks Mr. Thomas Ubank of 
Ormside,^^ the Doctor, so after dinner I had him into my Chamber, 
and I took him by the hand and I gave him six shillings, and caused 
him to go up into Arthur Swindon's Chamber to see him and he came 
up and sayed prayers and then he went away, and afterwards I paid 
Mr. Samuel Grasty his twenty shillings for saying prayers to me and 
my family for a month last past, and then they all went away. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

33 There were some Ubanks (or Ewbanks) of Rosgill, Shap, but I cannot trace the family 
in Qrmside, 


Lady Anne. 

The 24th Day. I remembered how this was 60 years my first Lord 
and I after I had been to see Warwick Castle and Church went out 
of the Inn and so into Guy's Cliff to see it, and from thence that night 
we went into the Inn at Litchfield where we lay two nights because 
the next day was Sunday. 

I went not out of my House nor out of my Chamber to-day. Psa. 121. 

The 25th Day. I remembered how this was 60 years and then 
Sunday. My first Lord and I went forenoon and afternoon into the 
Church at Litchfield to the Sermon and Service there and afterwards 
into other the most remarkable places in that town and that night 
we lay again in the Inn there. 

And this day did Mr. Thomas Strickland, one of my chief officers, 
and his man, Lancelot Machell, ride on horseback towards Appleby 
Castle, to receive there the rest of my Candlemas rents ; and the 
28th day they returned and came back hither to me and us here. 

And tliis day there dined without with my folks my cousin, Mr. 
Thomas Burbeck of Hornby Castle , and his wife and their lit tie daughter, 
and his father-in-law, Mr. Catterick, and his wife and his mother, 
and there also dined here Mr. Robert Carleton, only son to the widdow, 
Lady Carleton. So after dinner I had them all into my chamber, 
and kissed the women and took the men by the hand, and I gave to 
my cousin, Mr. Burbeck, and his wife each ten shillings, and his mother 
ten shillings, and his father-in-law Mr. Catterick, and his wife each 
of them ten shillings, and six shillings to the child, and gave Mr. 
Carleton a pair of Buckskin gloves, and then they all went away. 
[See Jan. lyth]. 

The 26th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I and my 
first Lord went out to the Inn at Litchfield in Sir George Curzon's 
House at Croxall in Derbyshire, from whence we went to Burton-upon- 
Trent in Darbyshire where my first Lord and I then parted, he returning 
back to Litchfield where he was to stay for four or five days then 
about a great foot race that was then there, but I proceeded on my 
Journey towards Brougham Castle and came to Darby and lay in 
the Inn there. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 27th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years did I 
go out of the Inn at Darby into two Houses at Hardwick now both 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 277 

belonging to the Earl of Devonshire and so from thence into the Inn 
at Chesterfield in that County where I lay that one night. And the' 
to-day was Sunday yet I went not to the Church nor out of my Chamber 
all this day. Psa. 23rd, but my two gentlewomen went and two of 
my Laundry Maids and most of my men Servants, rode on Horseback 
to Ninekirks where Mr. Grasty, the parson, preached a very good 
sermon to them and to the Congregation. 

The 28th Day. I remembered how this was 60 years I went out of 
the Inn at Chesterfield in Darbyshire into the Earl of Shrewsberries' 
House called Sheffield in Yorkshire to see it and that Evening I went 
to the Inn at Rotherham in that County where I lay that one night. 

And to-day there dined here in the Painted Room with my folks 
Mr. Christopher Dalston of Acorn Bank, oldest son to my Cousin 
Mr. John Dalston, and his wife, so after dinner I had them into my 
Chamber and kissed his wife and took him by the hand and likewise 
talked with them a good while and I gave to his wife a pair of Buckskin 
Gloves and then they went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 29th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I went 
out of the Inn at Rotherham in Yorkshire into a poor Parson's House 
at Peniston in that County where I lay that one night. And this 
afternoon did Mr. Thomas Strickland pay to Mr. Edward Hasell for 
my use £305 5s. od. of my Westmoreland Rents, due at Candlemass 
last for which I now gave Strickland an acquittance under my hand 
and saw the money put up in a trunk in my Chamber. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day, 

March The ist Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I 
went out of the poor Parson's House at Peniston in Yorkshire over 
Peniston Moor, where never coach went before mine, into the Inn at 
Manchester in Lancashire where I lay that one night. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 2nd Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I went 
out of the Inn at Manchester into the poor Cottage at Chorley where I 
lay there in a poor Ale House there that one night, wliich was within 
three miles of Latham House but I did not see it by reason of the Mist. 

And to-day there dined without in the Painted Room with my 
folks Mrs. Willison of Penrith, and after dinner I had her into my 

278 Lady Anne. 

Chamber and kissed her and took her by the hand but told her I would 
have no more Wine of her husband because he used me so badly and 
then she went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 3rd Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I went out 
of the poor Cottage at Chorley, though it was Simday, by reason the 
lodgings were so bad, into the Inn at Preston in Adersey in Lancashire, 
where I lay that one night. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 5th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I went 
out of the Inn at Lancaster town into the Inn at Kendall in West- 
moreland where I lay that one night. And to-day there dined without 
with my folks in the Painted Room Mr. Samuel Grasty and my two 
Farmers here, so after dinner I had them all into my Chamber, and 
Mr. Grasty was paid his twenty shillings for sajdng prayers to me 
and family for a month last past, and after he said Common Prayers 
and read a Chapter and sung a Psalm (as was usual upon Sundays) 
to me and them afforesaid and then when prayers were ended they all 
went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 6th Day. I remembered how this day 67 years my blessed 
Mother with many in our company brought me from her house in 
Austin Fryers to the Court of Little Dorsett House in Salisbury Court 
in London town to live there with my first Lord, being but married 
to him the 25th of the month before. EccL, c. 3, and c. 8., v. 6. 

And I remembered how this day was 60 years I went out of the 
Inn at Kendal to Brougham Castle to my Blessed Mother. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 7th Day. And this morning died Arthur Swindon, my under 
Butler, who has served me about fourteen or fifteen years, and the 
next day about two of the clock in the afternoon was his dead Body 
burned in Ninekirks Church, where Parson Grasty preached his 
Funeral Sermon and most of my Servants and others attended the 
Corps to the Funeral. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 9th Day. And to-day there dined with my folks in the Painted 
Room My Cousin Mr. John Dalston of Acorn Bank, and after dinner 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 279 

I had him into my Chamber and took him by the hand and talked 
with him and then he went away. 

And there also dined with my folks Mr. John Gilmoor, the Keeper 
of Whinfell Park, and his man, Wm. Labourn, dined below in the Hall, 
and after dinner after my Cousin was gone from me, I had them both 
into my Chamber and took them by the hand and talked with them 
and then they went away. 

I went not out of the house nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

loth Day. And this morning I saw George Goodgion ^* paid for 
two hundred and forty-nine yards of linnen cloth that he bought for 
me at Penrith, designed for twenty pair of sheets and some pillow- 
veres for the use of my house ; and after dinner I gave away several 
old sheets which were divided amongst my servants, and this afternoon 
did Margaret Montgomery, from Penrith, the sempstress, come hither, 
so I had her into my chamber and kiss'd her and talked with her, 
and she came to make up the twenty pair of sheets and pillow- veres. 

The 13th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years I went 
from my blessed Mother to Naworth Castle, in Cumberland, to the Lord 
William Howard, my first Lord's Uncle, and his Wife, the Lady Eliza- 
beth Dacres (my Father's Cousin German) and many of their sons 
and their Wives and their Daughters and their children and their 
Grandchildren and I lay there in it for two nights. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber to-day. 

The 15th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years in the 
morning I went out of Naworth Castle, from Lord William Howard 
and his Wife into the City of Carlisle where I went into the Castle 
there, wherein was bom into the world the Lady Anne Dacres, she 
that was afterwards Countess Dowager of Arundale and I went into 
the Cathedral Church there, wherein was hurried my great Grandfather 
William, Lord Dacres, and from thence I went the same day into 
Brougham Castle where I continued with my Blessed Mother till the 
second of the Month following that I went from her and never saw 
her after. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber this day. 

The 17th Day. And to-day nobody dined here by my folks so there 
is nothing to be superadded. 

'*This man was a relation of the Macbells. See also loth Day and 22ad Day. 

28o Lady Anne. 

The 19th Day. Being Sunday, Palm Sunday, and this morning I 
had a violent fitt of the wind, so that it caused me to fall into a swoning 
fitt for above half an hour together so as I thought I should have died, 
but it pleased God, I recovered, and was better afterwards. And 
to-day there dined without with my folks in the Painted Room Mr. 
Grasty, our Parson, and my two Farmers, so after dinner they came 
into my Chamber and Mr. Grasty said Common Prayers and read a 
Chapter and sang a Psalm as usual on Sundajrs to me and my Family, 
and after Prayers they all went away. 

I went not out of the House nor out of my Chamber this day. 

20th Day. I remembered how this day was 60 years did I and my 
blessed mother in Brougham Castle give in our answer in writing 
that we would not stand to the award the four Lord Chief Judges 
meant to make concerning the lands of mine inheritance, which did 
spin out a great deal of trouble to us, yet God turned it to the best. 

Deut., c. 23, V. 5. " Nevertheless the Lord thy God would not 
hearken unto Balaam, but the Lord thy God turned the Curse into a 
Blessing unto thee, because the Lord thy God loved thee." 

The 2ist Day. I went not out all this day. 

The 22nd Day the Countess of Pembroke died [in another hand- 

At the end of these pages, we have a final entry in yet another 
hand, describing her decease, and reading thus : — 

" Thus far of this book is a summary of the Countess of Pembroke's, 
containing a continued, thankful commemoration, as her honour 
hath often said, of God's great mercies and blessings to her and hers, 
and were written by her ladyship of her direction but she proceeded 
not farther, for on Sunday, the 19th March, 1676, it pleased Almighty 
God to visit her with sickness which wrought so sharply with her 
all that day and Monday that on Tuesday she was forced to keep her 
bed, and Wednesday, the 22nd, about 6 o'clock in the afternoon, 
after she had endured all her pains with a most Christian fortitude, 
always answering those that asked her how she did, with, " I thank 
God I am very well," which were her last words directed to mortals, 
she, with much cheerfulness, in her own chamber in Brougham Castle, 
wherein her noble father was born, and her blessed mother died, 
5^elded up her precious soul into the hands of her merciful Redeemer." 

mtlg Buh liSE^nbattts. 

of a 

I 1670, 

Mary = Sir 
1651-1674. I WilliamWalter 
Bart., ob. 1693 

I 1673, 
Anne = Sir Samuel 
1654-1713. I Grimston, 1700 
I as his second 

born 1648 and 
died a few days 


Lord Compton 




ob. 1686. 

ob. 1694- 

ob. 1691. 

I 1722. 
Sackville, = Mary Savile, 
7th Earl of 1700-175 1. 

Thanet, daughter of 

1688-1753. William, 

2nd Marquis of 


ob. 1700. 




Anne Hatton, 

John Thomas 

ob. 1731. 

ob. 1785. 



She married. 

06. 1754- 



1685, Daniel 

ob, 1746. 

died in infancy 

Earl of Not- 
tingham and 




ob. 1758. 

ob. 1733. 

Christian , 


ob. 1746, 

ob, 1727. 

Margaret Hatton, 

' ^^.L Lllt^ 

i^ui ji Apm, ana ixt Appleby, sne 


ord Compton 


Alethea = Sir E. Hungerford. 

No issue. 


William Walter, 



Mary Walter, 
1672/3 married 
Sir Robert Rich, 
Bart., and had 

John Walter, 
3rd Bart. 

Robert Walter, 
4th Bart. 

Edward Grimston 

Mary Grimston , 

yieided up her preaous soui iiuo ni>. .^^..^ 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 281 

To this may be added some words from a document in the British 
Museum, which is probably in the handwriting of the Mr. Fisher who 
made the summary now amongst the Harleian MSS. Alluding to 
Lady Anne, it says that when " she came to live in the North, her 
delight was to remove herself and family from one of her castles to 
another, where she had the comfort of having her daughters and 
grandchildren often coming to stay with her, and she always set down 
in her diary the exact time they came, and in what rooms they lay 
whilst they stayed, and in this settled abode, in her ancient houses 
of her inheritance, she more and more fell in love with the content- 
ments and innocent pleasures of a country life, which humour of hers 
she wished with all her heart, if it pleased God, might be conferred 
on her posterity, for, said she, ' a wise body ought to make their 
homes the place of self-fruition.' " 

She had attained the great age of 86 years, but to her own age, she 
had ever made little allusion. To a great extent she ignored the 
passing years, as long as she was able to carry out with strength and 
pertinacity her intentions. She does certainly refer in 1653 to the 
fact that she had then attained to what she calls the " climacteric 
age of sixty-three," and once more, in another place in her diary, 
speaks of " the strange and marvellous providence of God, that she, 
at the great age of seventy-three, should be able to lie in her chamber, 
where she had not been since she was a child of eight weeks old until 
then." She was in that instance referring to her residence at Barden 
Tower. In another entry she just alludes in passing to her old age, 
when she was residing at Brougham. She speaks of the strange and 
hard fortunes " in the sea of this world," with which she had struggled, 
and then contemplates the mercies of God, delivering her from so 
many evils " in this my old age to live happily and peaceably in these 
ancient places of mine inheritance." Finally in her letter to Lord 
Arlington (see Chapter XVI.) of February 6th, 1668, she mentions 
that she was 78 years old. With all her love of reminding herself of 
anniversaries, the one that as a rule she steadily ignored was her own 
birthday, regarding the question of her actual age as one of small 
importance, compared with the remembrance of the different events 
through which she had passed. 

Her funeral took place on the 14th of April, and at Appleby. She 

282 Lady Anne. 

was buried in the tomb which she had herself erected for that purpose 
in the Church of St. Lawrence, Appleby. It is stated that there was 
a vast attendance at the interment, aU her neighbours, and almost 
every land-owner in Westmoreland and Cumberland, either being 
present in person, or represented, and that the procession was of 
enormous length, for the whole of her tenantry took part in it. Neither 
Lord nor Lady Thanet were able to be there, the chief mourner being 
her favourite grandson, John Tufton. The sermon on the occasion 
was preached by Edward Rainbow, then Bishop of Carlisle, and it 
is said to have taken nearly three hours in delivery. More or less 
it is an eulogy of the deceased lady, but we obtEiin from it many pieces 
of important information concerning her character. 

Bishop Rainbow when he preached the sermon was sixty-eight 
years old. He published three sermons, one dedicated to Sir John 
Wray, Bart., and his brother, the second preached at the funeral of 
Susannah, Countess of Suffolk, May 13th, 1649, ^^^ the third, the 
one preached at the funeral of Lady Anne. This latter has been 
reprinted more than once, but the best issue of it appeared in the 
Carlisle Tracts, issued in 1839, ^-nd it has appended to it a brief account 
of Lady Anne, with her portrait, and a memoir of the Bishop. 

Lady Anne's will was made only two years before her decease. 
It is a lengthy document, and is given in full in the Appendix. It 
bequeaths to her daughter, Lady Thanet, who was her only remaining 
child, a life interest in the whole of the estates, entailing them, after 
her decease, to her grandson, John Tufton, and then in succession to 
his brothers, Richard, Thomas and SackviUe, and afterwards to the 
eldest son, Nicholas, Lord Thanet, " whom " says she, " I name in the 
last place, not for any want of affection or goodwill in my thoughts 
towards him, but because he is now, by the death of his father, pos- 
sessed of a great inheritance in the southern parts." 

After his death, the estates were to pass to her grandchildren in 
entail, starting with Lady Margaret Coventry, then descending to 
Lady Cecily Hatton's children, thence to other grandchildren, and 
finally to Alethea, the only remaining child of her younger daughter 
Isabella. Lady Thanet only lived for two years after her mother's 
death, and by her will of 1676, she repeated her mother's instructions 
with respect to her second son, making every effort that the estate 

The Last Few Months of Lady Anne's Life. 283 

should go down to him. All, however, was of no avail, for imme- 
diately upon the decease of his mother, Nicholas, Lord Thanet, took 
possession of the whole of the estate, and claimed that the entail 
which had been made in previous years, entitled him to hold the 
whole property, as the eldest son, to the exclusion of his brother. 
There is a curious piece of evidence to be seen concerning the dispute 
which ensued. He presented to John Coates of Kildwick Grange, 
and to Roger Coates his brother, of Royd House, who were both of 
them attomejrs, sets of silver beakers, because they had " well and 
carefully" assisted him in "recovering his estates in Craven which 
were forcibly held by his brother, Sir John Tufton, and especially 
by prevailing upon the tenants of Selsden to pay their manorial fines 
to him." The set of beakers presented to Mr. John Coates had Lord 
Thanet's arms engraved upon them, those given to Mr. Roger Coates 
were plainer, and the first were in the possession of the Swire family 
(descendants from Mr. John Coates) in 1878, but I have not been 
able to trace their existence down to the present day. Those who 
have descended from the Swire family say that they do not now possess 

Nicholas, Lord Thanet, not only took possession of the estate, but 
held it to the exclusion of his brother. He, however, was only in 
possession of the property for three years, for in 1679 he died, and 
was succeeded by the brother John whom he had defrauded of his 
rights. By this time, the estates had considerably increased in 
importance, because in 1678, Lady Alethea, the only surviving child 
of Lady Anne's second daughter Isabella, who was then wife of Sir 
E. Hungerford, also died, leaving no issue, and her share of the estates, 
with her jointure and portion, devolved upon the new Lord Thanet, 
who now came actually into the possession of the entire property 
as originally held by Lady Anne, her own jointures from her two 
husbands having of course ceased. He was, however, only able to 
hold this vast property for five months, and a considerable part of 
this time was taken up in the legal arrangements necessary for the 
transfer of Lady Alethea's part of the estate, inasmuch as she had 
died just before he succeeded. John, fourth Lord Thanet, died in 
1680, and leaving no issue, was succeeded by his next brother Richard, 
who became fifth Earl. He held the property for four years only, and 

284 Lady Anne. 

then came Thomas, the sixth Earl, who, as a man of forty, had married 
a girl of eighteen. Lady Katherine, the daughter and heir of Henry, 
Duke of Newcastle. The marriage was one of extreme happiness, 
and Thomas, Lord Thanet, declared, when his wife died, that it had 
been almost inconceivable to him that any woman could have made 
him so happy, or that so much happiness could have been the portion 
of any two persons. He held the estates for forty years, for he did 
not die until 1729. He was successful in the claim he made against 
the House of Lords with respect to the ancient barony of Clifford. 
It was declared to have been possessed by his grandmother, and that 
his father and three brothers had aU been entitled to it. He accord- 
ingly became eighteenth Lord Clifford, in addition to being sixth 
Earl of Thanet. He outlived his only other brother, SackviUe, and 
was in consequence succeeded in the Earldom by that brother's son, 
again a SackviUe, who became the seventh Earl. His own children 
were all daughters, Katherine, Aime, Margaret, Mary and Isabella, 
the only three sons, John, Thomas, and John, having died in infancy. 
The barony of CUfford, as mentioned in another chapter, fell into 
abey£ince between the daughters, being eventually called out in favour 
of Margaret, Lady Lovell, and afterwards Countess of Leicester. 
The earldom, however, passed, as we have stated, to his nephew, 
from him to his son SackviUe, who became the eighth Earl, and then 
to three of his sons in succession, SackviUe, Charles, and Henry ; the 
last-named being the eleventh and last Earl of Thanet, and on his 
decease in 1845, that title became extinct. 

John = Lady Margaret, 

II. Earl. 

d, and heir of 
Richard, Earl 
of Dorset; ob. 
1676, by Lady 
Ann Clifford. 


b. 1635 

:, 06. 1617 

I 1664. 
Nicholas = Elizabeth, 

III Earl: 
and isth 

d. of 
Earl of 
ton, ob. 






Mary, = Sir William 

Anne = Sir Samuel 



1651- Walter, 

1654- Grimston, 



1674. Bart., ob. 

1713. Bart. 



I 1709. 

Catherine, = Edward 


Sondes, M.P., 
ob. 1722. 


II. Earl of 



3rd Earl 

ob. 1628 


ob. 1731. 

ob. 1746. 

ob. 1758. 

ob. 1746. 

ob. 1734. 
AE. 9. 

Mary, ob. 17B5. 

John, died in in- 

Thomas, ob. 1733. 

Joim, ob 1 727. 

Caroline, = John 


ob. 1832. 

I 773- I 799. 





THE one story of Lady Anne that is known to all the world 
relates to the celebrated letter which she is said to have 
written either to Lord Arlington or to Sir Joseph Williamson, 
for the statement is made about both persons. Almost every book 
of reference that alludes to Lady Anne speaks of this letter, generally 
in terms of praise, and it has been cited as a striking example of her 
determination (and incidentally of her disregard of courtesy), as well as 
a fine example of a laconic, stern, decisive letter. It forms the subject 
of an important chapter in a work on Rhetoric, and several authors 
who have written on the art of letter-writing have referred, and with 
some enthusiasm to it. It first appeared in English literature in 1753, 
in the issue of The World,^ for April 5th, and, according to the printed 
inscription inside vol. xiv., that particular issue was entirely the 
work of Mr. Horace Walpole. It was ptiblished of course by Dodsley 
of Pall Mall. In the course of an article on letters, Walpole writes 
thus : — "As a contrast to this scrap of Imperial folly, I shall present 
my readers with the other letter I mention. It was written by the 
Lady Anne, widow of the Earls of Dorset and Pembroke (the life of 
the former of whom she wrote) and heiress of the great houses of Clifford 
and Cumberland, from which, among many noble reversions, she 
enjoyed the borough of Appleby. Sir Joseph Williamson, Secretary 
of State to Charles II., wrote to name a candidate to her for that 
borough. The brave Countess, with all the spirit of her ancestors, 
and all the eloquence of independent Greece, returned this laconic 
answer : — 

" I have been bullied by a usurper, I have been neglected by a Court, but I 
will not be dictated to by a subject. Your man shan't stand. — 

Anne Dorset, Pembroke and Montgomery." 
ip.M., 629 I, 4, XIV, 84. 

286 Lady Anne. 

The story is an interesting one, and the letter remarkable for its 
abruptness and discourtesy, but more than one author has raised 
serious doubts about its authenticity. Walpole does not say that he 
possessed it, and surely he would have done so if he had it in his 
portfolios. He does not even say that he had seen it. Sir Joseph 
Williamson moreover was not Secretary of State until 1674, and 
during the period of time from the date of his appointment to the 
death of the Countess, there does not appear to have been any vacancy 
in the representation of Appleby. Again, Walpole says that Lady 
Anne wrote the life of the Earl of Dorset. He is the only person who 
makes that statement, and we have nothing to corroborate it. She 
certainly, as we have already seen, referred many times to her husband 
in her diary, but there is no scarp of evidence either in English literature 
or amongst the papers at Knole, to indicate that she had written his 
life. The writer of the article on Lady Anne in the Dictionary of 
National Biography carefully points out that no reference to the 
original letter was given at the time of its first publication, which was 
seventy-seven years after the death of the Countess, not has any trace 
of it been discovered since, and alludes to other discrepancies which 
make it probable that the letter is not authentic. 

Lodge also, in 1791,^ questioned the authenticity of the letter, and 
he, as well as a later author, based their chief objections upon its 
phraseology. Into the question of this phraseology I have made 
careful investigations, and upon the authority of Sir James Murray, 
and of other learned writers, am in a position to state that there is no 
known use of the word " bully," as a verb earlier than 1723, when 
Defoe, in one of his works, says that a certain person began " to bully " 
someone else. The word is also used as a verb in the Gentleman' s 
Magazine in 1747, and the word " bullied " once appears in Richard- 
son's " Clarissa Harlow " in 1748, and also in a letter from Doctor 
Johnson in 1783. But although the noun, " bully " was perfectly 
well known and in frequent use in the seventeenth century, no one 
has been able to trace its use as a verb at that time. 

Again, one can find no use of the word " stand," by itself, as Walpole 
quotes it " Your man shan't stand." There are a few seventeenth 

^Illustrations of British History, 179', B.M. g$o2, h, 6, 

The Walpole Letter. 287 

century uses of the word, but always in conjunction with another 
word, such as in the phrases " stand for," " stand in " and " stand by." 
This is especially the case when Lord Roos in 1676 said that he should 
" stand for " Leicester, and that he should " stand as " the candidate, 
but the use of the word " stand " alone, belongs to a very much later 
period than that of Lady Anne. 

Finally, as to the phraseology, it may be pointed out that Lady Anne 
was hardly likely to have said " Your man shan't stand," because 
she could not have prevented him from doing so. She might have 
prevented him from being elected, but it was surely absolutely beyond 
her power to prevent him from standing as a candidate. As a matter 
of fact, the man to whom the actual letter applied did stand as the 
candidate for the borough, although he was not elected. 

In the Public Record Office, moreover, there is the explanation of 
the whole matter. In it are preserved a quantity of Williamson 
documents, and these, supplemented by other Williamson documents 
at Queen's College, and by two papers amongst the Skipton MSS., 
enable me to set forth the whole story of the Williamson candidature, 
and I hope to explode the bubble upon which this celebrated letter 

Sir Joseph Williamson was not the person to whom the letter was 
addressed, but he himself was the candidate for the borough of Appleby, 
and was particularly desirous of being elected for that place. There 
was a vacancy in 1668, owing to the decease of Mr. Lowther, and as 
Appleby was close to Williamson's native county of Cumberland, 
such family influence as he possessed could be brought to bear upon 
the proposal. He was at that time private secretary to Lord Arhngton, 
Secretary of State, and he was Keeper of the State papers, and editor 
of the Gazette. He had also on his side two influential persons in the 
district, the Bishop of Durham and Colonel Tempest. His particular 
friend in Appleby seems to have been a Dr. Smith, who is spoken of 
as the brother of the Mayor. He was resident in Durham, and on 
the 6th of December, wrote to Sir Joseph to the following effect.^ 
" I have been told the Bishop is more inclined to yield than formerly 
to the desires of the country of sending up knights and burgesses to 
Parliament on condition, however, that they will hearken to his 

°S,P. Dom. Car. ii, 234-$2. 

288 Lady Anne. 

recommendation in the choice of the persons. I am extremely glad," 
he goes on to say, " he has you in his eye for one, and hope he will 
manage the affair so that it shall not miscarry, but to make short 
work, I advise you to gain Colonel Tempest as your friend, for, under 
the rose, he is the factotum here, both in town and country. If you 
secure him ,your work is done . " He then tells Sir Joseph that although 
his own interest is very small, it wiU be employed to the utmost to 
serve him. 

On the loth of the same month,* he writes again, congratulating 
Sir Joseph upon having " made an interest " in Colonel Tempest, but 
impresses upon him the fact that the Colonel is, in his opinion, " a 
subtle man," and that he must get a real hold of him as quickly as 
possible. He says that if Colonel Tempest is firm, and the Bishop 
is also firm, the business " will be done." He speaks of having told 
but one other person about the whole matter, but says that he has 
taken every fitting occasion to speak to the townspeople respecting 
Sir Joseph, and to give him a good character. It must be remembered 
that the Bishop of Durham, as Prince Palatine, had great influence, 
and that Colonel Tempest was a large and important landowner, but 
it would rather seem as though Sir Joseph at that moment was thinking 
of a Durham or Cumberland seat, rather than of a Westmoreland one. 
However, by January, 1668, there were steady preparations made 
with a view to his obtaining the seat for the borough of Appleby, 
but the moment Lady Anne heard a suggestion that a stranger should 
occupy the seat, she sent word to the Mayor and Corporation of 
Appleby that they were not to commit themselves in any way until 
she had communicated with them. There is a letter in existence from a 
Mr. Thomas Povey * to Sir Joseph, dated January i6th, and written 
from Appleby. It is clear that he had been approached with a view to 
obaining the influence of Lord St. John, in order that he should write 
to Lady Anne, because it was recognised that she had the chief voice 
in the election. Lord St. John, however, had already written on behalf 
of someone else, and he had understood that Lady Anne had already 
committed herself. On the same day, Mr. John Dalston * of Acorn Bank 
wrote to Williamson, to say that he had been to see the Mayor and Cor- 
poration of Appleby, that he had told them of Sir Joseph's desire to 

*S.P. Dom, Car. n, 224-115. ^ Ibid., 232-147. ^ Ibid., 232-148. 

The Walpole Letter. 289 

serve them as burgess, but they had at once shown him the letter from 
Lady Anne, in which she had requested them to suspend any engage- 
ment until they heard from her. He says that they wished to gratify 
her, and thought that the party (whom she was going to name) was 
her grandchild John Tufton. Mr. Dalston goes on to say that there 
will be " many competitors," that all " will apply to the Countess," 
that " her request will prevail more than any others," but he teUs 
Sir Joseph that, if she does not name anyone, he is to apply to Dr. 
Smith, the Mayor's brother (with whom, we have already seen, he 
was in communication) and to Mr. Gabetis, the under-sheriff. 

Then comes an important letter from Lady Anne herself,' addressed 
to Sir Joseph Williamson. It is from Brougham, dated January 
i6th, 1667-8, and the address, superscription and signature, are in 
her own writing, while the body of the letter, evidently dictated by 
her, is in the handwriting of George Sedgwick. It is in exceedingly 
courteous terms. She says: — 

I received your letter of the i ith of this month by the last post, as also my 
cousin Mr. John Dalston of Acorn Bank his designs to me, to the same effect 
on your behalf, that I would employ my interest at Appleby to procure you to 
be chosen burgess there in the place of my cousin John Lowther, lately deceased. 
I should have been very willing, Sir, to have done you service therein, but that 
I had a prior engagement upon me, both for my own grandchildren in the 
southern parts, and some of my own kindred and friends in this, which I hope 
you will take in good part, as a reasonable apology for myself in this business. 

Your assured friend, 

(Signed) Anne Pembroke. 

The letter is addressed to " Mr. Secretary Williamson, at the Court 
at Whitehall." It appears to have been carried about in Sir Joseph's 
pocket, because he has made more than one memorandum upon it. 
He seems to have commenced one note, which he did not finish, 
" That wheras &c." and in another place alludes to the equipment in 
sending to sea of a " Fleet of ships for the defence of the Spanish Low 
Countries," or any " war that may ensue therefrom." He has folded 
the paper lengthwise, and on the exterior has put the date, a number, 
and a statement to the effect that it was from the Countess of Pembroke. 

\§.F. Dom. Car. ii, 149 

ago Lady Anne. 

This courteous letter sufficiently, we think, disposes of the statement 
that the letter to which Walpole alludes was addressed to Williamson 

Meantime, Lady Anne had written to her daughter concerning her 
three sons, desiring that one of them should take up this position. 
On the other hand, the supporters of Sir Joseph WilHamson had also 
been busy. They had been writing a great many letters, for in one 
case it states that the magistrates many of them " sat up all night 
writing letters," * and the whole county, as far as their personal 
predilections were concerned, appears to have desired to have their 
own neighbour from Bridekirk as their representative. Lady Anne 
was also approached by two or three of her neighbours. The day 
after she had written to Sir Joseph, she wrote from the same place 
(Brougham Castle) to Sir George Fletcher,' at Hutton, acknowledging 
receipt of a letter from him. She says : — 

I have riceived your letter of the 15th instant, and as to your desire therein 
concerning the election of Mr. Williamson as a burgess for Appleby, in the place 
of my deceased cousin, John Lowther, I have already given an answer by letter 
to Mr. Williamson that I am engaged for some of my own grandchildren, who 
are capable of the place, if they will accept of it, so as, till 1 know their resolves, 
I cannot determine any way concerning it, and so, wishing much happiness to 
you and your worthy Lady and your children, I commit you to the Divine 
Protection of the Almighty, and rest. Sir, 
Your assured true friend and humble servant, 

(Signed) Anne Pembroke. 

Meantime, Lord Arlington is believed to have written to her, perhaps 
through Lord Anglesey or Lady Thanet, and as I have no copy of 
his letter nor of her reply, it may be argued that the letter Walpole 
quotes was a possible reply from her to him, but I think that this 
position cannot be accepted in view of a letter to be presently 
mentioned, which I know Lady Anne herself wrote to Lord Arlington. 
What Lady Anne said, about this time, to her daughter. Lady Thanet, 
we do not know in its entirety. There is only a small scrap of paper, 
about five inches by two and a half, cut out of a letter, which now 
remains at the Record Office. It is, however, important, for it shows 
that Lady Anne had written to Lord Arlington, although possibly 

* g.P. Dom. Car. :i, 232-191. » Ibid., 11, 232-160, 

The Walpole Letter. 291 

not direct, and that Lady Thanet had also made a request concerning 
Sir Joseph. The little bit ^" reads thus : — 

I have also sent you, herein enclosed, a copy of the letter which I lately sent 
to my Lord Arlington, in answer of one I had from him in the behalf of Mr. 
Joseph Williamson concerning the said burgess-ship, whereby you may perceive 
I intend not to recede from my first resolves, and if you think fit, you may 
acquaint my Lord of Anglesey so much in answer to that note of his which I 
received in your letter, wherewith I hope his Lordship (whose civilities to you 
I do own with aU due thankfulness) will rest well satisfied, and the rather, because 
the said Mr. Williamson, being, it should seem, a person of eminent ingenuity 
and having so many wealthy friends, cannot miss a burgess-ship elsewhere 
upon another vacancy. 

This scrap of paper is in George Sedgwick's handwriting, and it 
shows us that Lord Anglesey had taken up the matter, had been 
courteous to Lady Thanet, and had asked her to write to her mother, 
which she had done. It also tells us, that in the letter a copy of Lady 
Anne's reply to Lord Arlington had been enclosed. It is not dated, but 
the State Paper Of&cials regard it (from other evidence) as having been 
written on January 17th, 

Then, in course of chronological sequence, we come upon other 
letters to Sir Joseph. His own brother ^^ writes to him on the i8th 
of January, to say that the town of Appleby had assured Lady Anne 
that " they wiU elect whom she pleases," and they consider that if 
her grandchUd resigns, she will think him as " fit as any other candidate' 
so that he will have a good chance if Mr. Tufton can be persuaded to 
withdraw. George Williamson says that the whole town was for his 
brother, " if," he adds, " they may have their own mind," but he 
mentions that Sir John Lowther has approached Lady Aime concerning 
his nephew, Anthony, in case neither of the Tuftons would serve. 

From Kendal there came a letter from Mr. Fleming, ^^ in which he 
tells Sir Joseph that Sir George Fletcher had written to the Countess 
and to Mr. Dalston, that the Countess is being " well plied with letters," 
but that he is afraid to write to Sir Richard Sandford, in case that it 
might put him in mind of standing for the position himself. Fleming 
enclosed with his letter two copies, one was a letter ^* from the Justices, 

"S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 232-161. ^ Ibid., 232-168. 

^ Ibid., i6g. ^ Ibid., i6g, I. 

2g2 Lady Anne. 

signed by himself and three others, saying that they support the wish 
of Williamson to be burgess of Appleby, and saying that it was likely 
to be " a great advantage for the Corporation," the other was Lady 
Anne's letter " in reply to this petition. In it she informs the magis- 
trates that she was already " engaged to the three younger sons of 
her daughter, Lady Thanet," and if they refuse, to other of her kindred, 
and she says that she has written to Sir Joseph to that effect. 

Dated the very next day, there is a letter from Sir George Fletcher ^^ 
to Secretary Williamson, telling him that he had used his influence 
with Lady Pembroke, and had failed, and advising Sir Joseph to write 
to Lord Thanet and see whether he could bring any influence to bear 
upon Lady Anne. It evidently occurred to some of the oflicials that, 
as Mr. Tufton, who appeared to be a likely candidate, had been at 
one time a pupil to Sir Joseph, some pressure might be brought to 
bear upon him, with a view to his withdrawing in favour of the 

Dr. Smith also wrote to Sir Joseph thus : — 

'■" The whole county wishes to have you chosen. The Countess has pitched 
upon Mr. Tufton, a quondam pupil of yours, and they of Appleby, having so 
absolute a dependence upon her, it would be vain to strive against that stream. 
If Mr. Tufton could be taken off, the work is done. I have written to him and 
to his brothers, if the town could be left to its free choice, it is a good opportunity 
to benefit itself. 

He also encloses a copy " in his letter. It is a petition from the 
Sheriff of Cumberland and ten of the magistrates, assembled at 
quarter sessions, and is addressed to Lady Anne, recommending Sir 
Joseph Williamson as a burgess, saying that he was " their country- 
man," that he had " grand opportunities to serve his country," that 
" his sole dependence was on her favour." 

Sir Joseph also appears to have himself approached the Lowthers, 
but Sir John wrote to him,i8 regretting that he had not written at an 
earlier date, and saying that as his kinsman Anthony wished to succeed 
his late son, he had already applied on his behalf to Lady Anne, and 
she had consented to support Anthony Lowther if none of her own 
grandchildren would come forward. He was therefore quite unable 
to help the Secretary in his candidature. 

"S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 169, 11. w Ibid., 332-180. 

w IMd., 191. " JMd., 191, I. 18 jm., 192. 

The Walpole Letter. 293 

Now we come to an important communication. It is clear, from 
what has already been stated that Lord Arlington had already applied 
to Lady Anne, but probably he had not done so personally, for Lady 
Thanet's letter would almost imply that the application had been 
made through Lord Anglesey or through her, but on the 25th of 
January, from Whitehall, Lord Arlington writes himself to Brougham 
Castle, a charming and courteous letter : — 


I am become a suitor to your Ladyship in the behalf of Mr. Joseph Williamson, 
my secretary, a gentleman who hath deserved so well from me that I cannot 
but be concerned, with some other friends of his, who are very desirous to see 
him a member in this Parliament. I have heard of the influence your Ladyship 
hath on the borough of Appleby (where a burgess's place is lately become void 
by the death of Mr. John Lowther) and of the general inclination of the gentle- 
men of the country and those of the corporation, and to the gaining so much 
of your ladyship's favour as may render him as capable, as they hold him 
worthy, of their voices or their assistance, they having a value of him, as he is 
of their country, and who by his civility, and good interests here at Court, 
hath been very happy to oblige them. I would desire, and he very humbly 
seeks it, that he may owe this obligation principally to your Ladyship's good 
graces towards him, to be expressed only by your Ladyship's declaration to the 
town that you leave the election to their freedom, which may sufficiently preserve 
your Ladyship's interests and there nobly oblige the electors and Mr. Williamson. 
I shall forbear to give any further character of him here, not doubting but that 
he hath been justly represented to your Ladyship as a person of eminent 
ingenuity, and use to His Majesty, as well as to his friends, for whom I shall be 
glad to merit when my services shall be useful to your Ladyship or any of your 
family, I being already. Madam, 

Your Ladyship's most humble servant, 


It is inconceivable, knowing what we do of Lady Anne, that in 
reply to this delightful letter, she should have sent the rude epistle 
which Walpole quotes, but at the outset it is a Uttle puzzUng to know 
why her reply to this letter does not appear to have been sent until 
the 6th of February. This, however, she explains in the letter. 
Meantime, it is clear that someone had told Lady Anne that Lord 
Arlington had an idea that her action had been suggested by her 
daughter, Lady Thanet, and that she was not acting on her own 

»S.P. Dom. Car, ii, a33-55. 


LadV Anne. 

responsibility. On the 6th of February, she herself replies to Lord 
ArUngton, and expressly states that her letter is in reply to his of 
January 25th. There is therefore no room for surmise whether any 
laconic epistle such as Walpole gives had been addressed to him in 
the interval in reply to his courteous letter. Lady Anne's reply*" is 
exactly what one would have expected her to have said. It reads 
thus : — 

My Lord, 

I had the honour to receive a letter from your Lordship dated at Whitehall 
the 25th of the last month, but it came not to my hands till the 3rd of this month, 
and then I meant to have returned an answer to it by that post, but he was gone 
before I could do so, which made me commit the incivility of deferring it till now. 

I must confess to your Lordship that it was myself, and not my daughter of 
Thanet, nor any of her children, that made me attempt the making of one of 
her younger sons a burgess for Appleby, she having four that are all of them 
past 21 years old a piece, and are capable and fit for it, so that I think I am 
bound in honour and conscience to strive to maintain my own deed as far forth 
as it lies in my power, but if it should happen otherwise, I will submit to it with 
patience, but will never jdeld my consent. I know very well how powerful a 
man a Secretary of State is, throughout all our King's dominions, so I am con- 
fident your Lordship, by your favour and recommendations, might quickly 
help this Mr. Joseph Williamson to a burgess-ship, without doing wrong or 
discourtesy to a widow that wants but 2 of fourscore years old, and to her 
grandchildren, whose father and mother suffered as much in their worldly 
fortunes for the King as most of his Majesty's subjects did. 

And so, committing your Lordship to the Divine Protection of the Almighty, 
I rest, my Lord, 

Your Lordship's humble servant, 

(Signed) Anne Pembroke. 

The concluding sentence, signature and superscription for this 
letter are in Lady Anne's own handwriting, the rest was written by 
Mr. Sedgwick. It is addressed " To The Right Honourable the Lord 
Arlington, one of His Majesty's chief Secretaries of State, in the 
Lodgings in the Court at Whitehall," and sejiled by the Clifford seal. 

Nothing could have been more delightful, and at the same time, 
nothing could have been more determined, and it may be suggested 
that perhaps the terms in which the old lady states that she will never 

^'S.P. Dom. Cat. n, 234-91. 

To face page 294. 


covering a cop\- of Ladv 

Anne's letter to Lord 

Arlington, January, i568 

(see page 200). 

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'ic(rudtiij fir a Vniicv Hiai untits Sut x: if^i\scin-i'vcii'iiii Mj anifirh^v ^_ ,- 
iciulv.-a, aliirS'^Mitn.r ttzi VlirHii r' S iMcri ai muc/P m-ifrh-i'WgiK&'^Jrirlun! 

fkv iCiPq. ai m<ni ci ft't'i lUa^S'Jl^rnii'l-. 

I ! Uznq y/U''^' -ftr «> 9>ltn7,i' 'j!rrh!ctu,Ti of fS' Aim , ijfffjL ^mh 




concerning Sir Joseph Wifliamson, February (5th, i668 

(see page 294). 

To face page 295. 




1 ' --^M 


January 17th, 1668 (see page 290). 


t ■ 

r ■ 



i» f'V ir'^t 

(J i6c^ 161Q 

"- (■ 

January i6th, 1667 (see page 289). 

The Walpole Letter. 295 

yield her consent, may have been the starting point for the legend 
whio evidently grew into the letter quoted by Walpole. 

Meantime, strenuous efforts were being made in Cumberland and 
in Westmoreland. Dr. Smith wrote on the 26th of January from 
Cockermouth ^^ telling Sir Joseph that his friends would be firm to 
the last, that they would work with all diligence, and that they would 
not give over until they were beaten. He says that applications 
were daily made on his behalf to Lady Anne, who, he adds " has the 
power of life and death in the matter." Then he goes on to say 
" It will be impossible for you to succeed, unless her grandchildren 
the Tuftons can be prevailed with to desist. You must apply your 
intelligence, therefore, and use some means to delay sending down 
the writ for a new election. In fine, do your own work above, and 
let us alone with it here." 

Daniel Fleming of Rydal wrote on the 27th of January^^ to Sir Joseph 
telling the same story. He says " Unless you can be able to fix my 
Lady for you, which I fear wiU be hard to do, you'll have a cold appear- 
ance of the electors of Appleby, since I am informed they dare not 
go any way but that which is chalked them out by my Lady, she is 
(I believe) as absolute in that borough as any are in any other." 
He recommends Sir Joseph to apply to Lady Thanet, and to try to 
get Lady Anne to be " neuter," and then says that he is confident 
he wiU carry the election. 

The Secretary's brother George,^ who writes the very same day 
from Bridekirk to his brother, conveys the unwelcome intelligence 
that Thomas Tufton had decided to stand. He says that " John and 
Richard were out of town," but "Thomas returned her Ladyship thanks 
for the honour, and declared if his two brothers refused it he would 
not, but stand for it," and he says that Lady Anne thereupon sent 
one of her Gentlemen to Sir John Lowther, asking him to desist for 
his cousin, and declaring " her interest for that Gentleman of her 
grandchildren " who decided to be the candidate. " But," he adds 
" the town is all for you and most of the gentry and persons of quality 
in the barony," and speaking in blunter language than the other 
correspondents, adds "They have left no stone unturned for you 
with the old woman but all to no purpose for she is resolved 

i^S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 233-79. ^ Ihid., 233-84. ^ IMd. 233-85. 

296 Lady Ann!;. 

wholly to stand for her grandchildren." He mentions that Sir Richard 
Sandford of Howgill Castle had decided after all to become a Candi- 
date, as had been feared would be the case, and at the conclusion of 
his letter says that he is sending up to his brother two char pies, , one 
for him, and the other for a friend, and adds " there is no good to 
be done with an old woman." 

A couple of days after, he writes again to his brother,^* to similar 
effect, again recommending that Lady Thanet should be asked to 
withdraw her two sons from the candidature, but says that the town 
and the gentry were heartily wishing that Lady Anne " would leave 
them to their liberty," and he encloses in his letter a copy ^* of one 
from Lady Anne's secretary, George Sedgwick, who was evidently 
himself a little predisposed in favour of Sir Joseph, but who says, 
" I must confess that Lady Pembroke appearing so strongly and firmly 
for her relations, I am forced to acquiesce and submit to that, above 
aU interests whatsoever." 

There is another letter from Dr. Smith, 2* giving the same information, 
and reminding him that Lady Anne wrote immediately after Ml. 
John Lowther died, to the Mayor and Corporation, warning them that 
she intended " to recommend one of her own grandchildren, or one of 
herrelations for the seat." He says that there is not the slightest 
use in going in opposition to her. 

A Latin note,^' which does not bear any date, appears amongst 
the papers, stating that the writ for Appleby had been issued, but that 
the writer of it, whose name is not given, was only ready to deliver 
it to the Sheriff of Cumberland when Sir Joseph desired it should be 
sent. It was evidently being held back in order that all possible 
pressure should be brought to bear upon the Tufton sons, but it was 
not desirable that this information should be known, hence the note 
was not written in English, and does not bear any signature. 

Still the Secretary's brother pressed for an application to the Tuftons. 
He writes on the 3rd of February,** " You should get the Tuftons to 
decline and then leave it to me and others," and he says all the people 
about there are doing their very utmost for his candidature. 

Fleming writes from Rydal *' exactly to the same effect, saying that 

M S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 233-177. ** Ibid., 233-ri7, i. 

^ Ibid., lis. ^ Ibid., t6o. 

^ Ibid., 234-36. a» /j^_^ 234-60. 

The Walpole Letter. 297 

the letter from the Cockermouth Quarter Sessions was being exten- 
sively signed, and carried to Brougham in person, but that " the 
Dowager Lady Thanet, or any of the Tuftons," should be got at, and 
should be pressed to write to Lady Anne, and that, if all this was 
impossible, the writ should be held back. 

Again, an application was made to Lowther Castle, and Sir John, 
then an old man,*" wrote to Sir Joseph sajdng that, with reference to 
his kinsman, he was unwilling " that a pupil should seem to oppose 
his tutor," adding that he was somewhat disposed in favour of Sir 
Joseph's candidature, that his own influence was not being exercised 
on behalf of his kinsman, but that all depended upon whether Mr. 
Tufton could be persuaded to decline. The same thing appears in a 
letter from Dr. Smith which was written from Hutton on the 5th of 
February.'^ He had seen Sir George Fletcher, who had waited upon 
Lady Anne, and she had shown him her letter to Lord Arlington. 
He says, " The town, if left to themselves, are for you, but against 
her, it cannot be expected they will ever do it." 

At length the Tufton brothers made a decision, and this was conveyed 
to Sir Joseph in a letter from his brother.** He says that he heis 
heard that " John Tufton declined it, resolving of a country life, 
Mr. Richard is for travelling, Mr. Thomas doth stand still for it," 
" but," he adds, " I perceive my Lord Arlington hath been with him 
to resign to you, which is apprehended he would do, if he did not 
lose my Lady's favour by it, and so far as I apprehend, this post brings 
a letter to him not to desist, and further, I am confirmed she will 
appear for Lowther, as yet there is no appearance further to the Mayor 
and Aldermen, but Mr. Lowther relies upon my Lady's presentment." 
" Dr. Smith," he goes on to say, " is agoing to make them more sensible 
of her condition, that if Mr. Thomas Tufton refuse it, you may have 
their second thoughts." He then adds a few words to show how 
earnestly they were all working for him, although he says he somewhat 
doubts whether Mr. Gabetis, who is the under-sheriff, is really in earnest 
and whether he is not committed to Lady Anne. He considers that 
" she is wilful," and he is pretty sure that, but for her firm letter to 
her grandson, he would be almost willing to withdraw from the can- 
so S.P. Dom. Car. n, 6i. *» IMd., 62. '* IMd., 63. 

298 Lady Anne. 

didature. He therefore urges his brother to try to see Thomas Tufton 
before the letter from his grandmother reached him. 

John Dalston of Acorn Bank ^^ wrote to exactly the same effect' 
because Sir Philip Musgrave the Sheriff of Cumberland, had been 
down to see Lady Anne about the matter, and had told him the result 
of the interview. 

Another correspondent, a Mr. Duckett,** also wrote in the same way. 
He said that he found the town of Appleby " ready voluntarily " to 
comply with Sir Joseph's desires, if they were only left to their liberty, 
but he does not hold out any hope of such liberty being given them. 

A few days afterwards, Fleming ^^ writes again to the secretary, 
and sends up two char pies " his yearly present " to him by the carrier, 
promising every possible assistance in the proposed election. With 
regard to the pies, he says that the carriage of them is paid, and if 
they did not arrive. Sir Joseph was to make inquiry for them. He 
was sorry that they had not been sent before, but with his wife he 
had been away from home. He says that he has a document in 
readiness to present to the Corporation of Appleby, naming Williamson 
for the position. 

George Williamson '* also writes, and says, with regard to Lady 
Anne, if " she is not to be wrought upon, the people are undone, and 
they dare not help themselves," and he encloses in his letter a notable 
communication from Dr. Smith ^' dated February 9th and addressed 
to him, in which he mentions that he had been at Acorn Bank with 
Mr. Dalston, and that the next day was in Appleby, and found the 
town, so far as the members of it were able to have " their own inclin- 
ations " in favour of Sir Joseph, and in his opinion, if they were left 
to their freedom, he would certainly carry the day, " but," he goes on 
to say, " I doubt the Countess will never let it come to that, being 
resolved to present one of them, and if none of her grandchildren will 
accept of it, I am confident she will pitch on Mr. Anthony Lowther, 
if she have not done it already, nay," he says, " I am told she hath 
been heard to say that if they all refuse it, she will stand for it herself,*^ 
by which you may easily imagine what the issue is like to be." In his 

3» S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 234-84. ^ Ibid., 92. 

35 Ibid., 117. ^° Ibid., 234-118. 

87 76^. 118 I. °* A foretaste of the Weman's Suffrage question I 

The Walpole Letter. 299 

final sentence he says that he will tell George Williamson more when 
they meet, but he considers that this is enough " and too much for 
the present. I am extremely sorry for it," he adds, " but see no 
possibility of helping it." 

It is clear from these letters that Lady Anne had made up her mind 
that one of her grandchildren was to represent the place, and had written 
to Thomas, who had been got at by Lord Arlington, telling him that 
if he did not carry out her wishes, he would forfeit her regard. 

Meantime, Anthony Lowther's candidature had been withdrawn. 
Dalston of Acorn Bank,'® wrote on the 13th of February to say " I went 
this morning to Lowther, to discourse with Sir John, whom I foimd in 
bed, and not in good condition of health, but, by the little discourse 
that passed, I perceived (that the night before) he had writ a letter to 
you (in answer to one of yours) which (he told me) would very much 
comply with what I then moved to him, and give you full satisfaction. 
To move the Countess in anything that is averse to her own resolutions 
(as Sir Philip Musgrave can tell you) would not only be labour in vain, 
but even a prejudice to those should press it to her, but Sir John 
Lowther, having her engagement for his cousin Anthony Lowther, 
in case none of her own grandchildren did appear for the place, he 
only may, and I hope wiU (if there be an opportunity for it) effectually 
do your work with her, and therefore your further application to him 
(if there be occasion for it) will (in my judgement) be not so amiss." 

The letter to which Mr. Dalston alludes, as having been written by 
Sir John Lowther, is also in existence,*" and reads thus : — 

This day I had yours of the 8th instant, and I presume before this, you will 
have received my last, being a full answer to this of yours, for I had taken off, 
not only my cousin for whom I wrote you I stood first engaged, but prevented 
the thoughts of any other of my nearer relations, in compliance to your desires. 
But still I told you, and yet I do believe, that if my Lady continues still her 
resolutions for some of her own relations, it's probable she will prevail, in what 
she'd resolved upon, which I mention, not otherwise, but that you may know 
better how to proceed or desist, as resolved that my interest shall not turn 
to your prejudice, or be for any other than yourself after her, to whom I stood 
obliged, when she first favoured me with her approbation after her own, but 
to tell you truly my thoughts, I think she will neither desire, seek, nor need, 
anybody's help to make whom she desires at this time, since I have had under 

•• S. P. Dom. Car. n, 234-167. "> Ibid., i6t. 

30o Lady Anne. 

the Mayor's hand to myself, manifesting no less than their consent and 
submission to her, which may manifest my clearness and readiness to approve 
myself. Your very humble servant, 

(Signed) John Lowther. 

To this letter there is added a postscript in Lady Lowther's writing, 
referring to the visit of Mr. Dalston. She says : — 


Since writing of this my cousin Dalston has been here, and my husband 
being indisposed and in bed, could not add more than this signifieth, much was 
in full of what you desired by my cousin Dalston before he came to move in it. 
I beg your pardon for this scribble, and subscribe myself. 

Your servant, 

(Signed) E. Lowther. 

No one appreciated more fully the determination of Lady Anne 
than did her cousin Sir John Lowther. He reahsed that to try to 
move her to do what she had determined she would not do was not 
only useless, but unwise. She had made up her mind that one of her 
grandchildren was to represent Appleby, and that, although he had 
withdrawn the other candidate whom, in the absence of a Tufton, 
she had proposed to support, and had made it quite clear that none 
of the Lowthers would come forward, it had only strengthened her in 
her determination that her grandchild should be the Member of 
Parliament for the place, and she had insisted that he should carry 
out the undertaking he had made to her to take his seat. 

The only other letter which bears upon this interesting controversy, 
is from Thomas Gabetis, Lady Anne's under-sheriff. It is addressed 
to Sir Joseph Williamson, and is written from Appleby on the 23rd 
of February .*! 

What you found in my letter to my worthy friend Mr. Musgrave, that gave 
you to believe me either worthy, or able to serve you in the present affair, was 
no less but that which I really designed for your service, and had made it my 
study, if by endeavours or interest I could accomplish the same, which I have 
cause to believe might have operated to that end, had not the inclination and 
desires of my honourable Lady Pembroke interposed, to have that vacancy 
supplied by one of her Ladyship's grandsons or kinsmen, which, when the time 

" S.P. Dom. Car. ii, 235-54. 

The Walpole Letter. 301 

comes, is like to work that way. The Corporation being generally disposed to 
gratify my Lady's recommendations, especially her relations, appearing for her 
great nobleness and bounty to the place. My station may tell you I am under 
an obligation of high rate to render service with obedience to my Lady's com- 
mands, especially in this particular, otherwise, my apprehension of your worth 
and merit was bespoke aforehand to have served you, though a perfect stranger, 
which is my unhappiness. However, I beg your charitable and good opinion 
of me, and to believe I shall ever own your commands by a due and right com- 
pliance when you think fit to express the same to. Sir, 

Your most humble servant, 

(Signed) Thomas Gabetis. 
PS. — Sir, I received a letter from my honourable friend my Lord Ranisford *' 
for your services, which had a great influence upon me with your own, which 
might easily have prevailed to perform that which now I find impossible, which 
troubles Your servant, 

(Signed) T. Gabetis. 

Here is the explanation of the action of the Deputy Sheriff. His 
personal inclination was to support Sir Joseph Wilhamson, and he 
was recommended by his friend " Lord Ranisford "to do so, but was 
bound in the first place to his patron Lady Anne, to whom in fact he 
owed all his position, and he knew that she had been so bountiful and 
so generous to Appleby that the Corporation would certainly accept 
her wishes, and would not dream of opposing them. Therefore, 
although inclined to have helped Sir Joseph to the best of his ability, 
and probably having done so to a certain extent, he could not throw 
his influence against Lady Anne, nor let it be seen that he was working 
in any way for the person whom she opposed. The result was of 
course a foregone conclusion. The Corporation was ready to do as 
she wished, and as Thomas Tufton was not prepared to forfeit her 
regard and the Lowthers had withdrawn in his favour, Tufton was 
elected burgess, and Lady Anne carried her own way. We believe; 
however, that she did not do it in a rude or discourteous fashion. 

The letters we have quoted give even one more piece of evidence 
against the authenticity of the Walpole epistle. It will be noticed that 
every one of them is signed " Anne Pembroke," and that other letters 
that appear in this volume are signed either " Anne CUfford " or " Anne 

*2 Richard Ranisford or Rainsford (1605-1680), Justice of the King's Bench, 1668-9; Lord 
Chief Justice, 1776-1678. (F.) 

302 Lady Anne. 

Dorset." I have found no document whatever signed in any other 
way, and so far as I am aware, she never signed " Anne Dorset, 
Pembroke and Montgomery," nor even " Anne Dorset and Pembroke." 
It may perhaps be suggested that in conversation someone may 
have said that, judging from her determination,*^ they would have 
written in such and such fashion, or it may even be that a letter was 
invented and forged and shown to Walpole, who had expressed an 
opinion as to her habit of writing, but whatever was the reason of the 
invention of this letter, it may, we hope, be now safely stated that the 
letter was an invention, and has no authority whatever to support it.** 

** The old saying bears upon this : — 

If she will, she will, you may depend on't 

If she won't, she won't, and there's an end on't. 

** Some of the letters referred to in this chapter were quoted by Mrs. C. C. Stopes in the 
Athenaeum of June 2nd, 1894, and were referred to by her in her book entitled British Free 
Women, published in 1894 and again in 1907. 

Unfortunately, however, the quotations are not quite accurate, and, contrary to her usual 
habit, the author does not appear in this instance to have examined the documents themselves 
with her customary care. It should also be mentioned that Mrs. Stopes' allusion to Horace 
Walpole is not accurately stated, and the quotation which she gives from Dr. Donne should 
have been given from Dr. Rainbow. 




IN reviewing the story of Lady Anne Clifford, there are certain 
characteristics of her life which stand out in a marked degree. 
Her ruling passion was her attachment to her family, and to the 
estate and titles which had belonged to it. We have already seen 
what a determined front she presented to any attempt made to 
deprive her of what she regarded as her rights, and how she contested 
every inch of her privileges with slow and insistent action. She was 
eventually successful ia obtaining all that she fought for, and then, 
having succeeded to the property, the titles, and the position to which 
she had looked forward from childhood, she set herself resolutely to 
improve her property, and to protect all her rights. 

Allusion has been made to the trials at law which she started when 
she came into the estates, and we know that the object for which 
she fought was the recognition of her rights, and for these rights 
she was prepared to fight valiantly and to the very end. She 
refers at length in her Diary to some of these trials. One, which 
is alluded to in 1656, appears to have been only for a very small 
property, but she was perfectly satisfied with having obtained it. 
It was with regard to certain Westmoreland tenants, and was heard 
in the Court of Common Pleas, before three judges,^ Atkins, Wyndham 
and Hale, and her counsel were Serjeants Mayiiard, Newdigate and 
Barnard, who were opposed by Serjeants Earle and Evers.^ Almost 
immediately she obtained a verdict, and then there came a second 
trial the following day, which went by default, because the tenants 

1 Edward Atkins, Hugh Wyndham, Mathew Hale, all Puisne Justices of Common Pleas. 

2 John Maynard, Serj. 1654 ; Richard Newdigate, Serj. 1654 ; Robert Barnard, Serj. 1648 ; 
Erasmus Earle, Serj. 1654 ; and Sampson Evers, Serj. 1640. Maynard and Newdigate after 
wards became Judges, 


Lady Anne. 

would not plead, and so she obtained what she sought for and her costs 
(£250) certified under the seal of the Court. In the following 
year she had another case, which she says was for one estate near 
Appleby, in respect to certain leases for one and twenty years, James 
Walker being the person selected by the various tenants to represent 
them. This was heard before four judges, the three already named, 
with the addition of Oliver Lord St. John,^ who was then Lord Chief 
Justice. This she won and obtained ;^ioo costs and " the land adjudged 
to be myne and not the Tennants." In the same year and in the same 
Court, she fought a fourth case, which also she won and so obtained 
possession of the Westmoreland land notwithstanding the long leases 
on it which her uncle and cousin had illegally executed. She made 
reference with precision to her ejectments, " many leases of ejectments" 
she says, " did I cause to be sealed in 1653, in order to make a Tryall 
with my Tenants," and in characteristic fashion adds, " God send 
them good success," while in 1657, finding considerable trouble with 
the same James Walker, who was always a thorn in the flesh to her 
in Westmoreland, she made a definite ejectment with respect to his 
property. This she describes in the following words, " The 3rd day 
of February in this year 1657, did Mr. Thomas Gabetis, my Deputy 
Sheriff in the County of Westmoreland," and her four head bailiffs, 
enter into James Walker's house in Netherbrough, commonly called 

Kirkbrough " where they fairly and gently Dispossessed the 

said James Walker's wife and family of the said house and lands 
thereto belonging." She then goes on to say that, having dispossessed 
the Walkers she let the property to John Salkeld of Brough for twenty- 
one years, at a yearly rack rent, adding finally, " and by that means 
I altered the tenure of this land, which was the very thing I aimed 
at in my suits in law with my Westmoreland tenants, as being a great 
Benefit and advantage to me and m,y Posterity, and not only to me, 
but to all the landlords and Tenants in that County." 

I may in this place refer back to a quotation made in the previous 
chapter, in which Lady Anne distinctly stated that, providing a 
tenant would accept her regulations and regard any alleviation of 
them as coming from her bounty, she was prepared to deal smoothly 
and easily with the person in question, but she was tenacious of her 

' Appointed 1648. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 305 

own rights and position. There is a well-known story told of her 
with regard to certain lands which were held in an unusual tenure. 
The tenure involved the annual payment to the lady of the manor 
of 800 brood-hens at Appleby Castle and 800 at Skipton in addition 
to the monetary rentals. The tenant who held one small piece of 
the property refused to pay over the one hen at which he was assessed. 
He regarded it as a very small matter, and thought that it would 
be overlooked. He little knew with whom he had to deal. Lady 
Anne is reported to have gone to law immediately concerning the hen, 
and to have spent a considerable sum of money (over £400) to enforce 
the fact that she had the right to this particular fine. She won the 
day, claimed and obtained the hen, and then forthwith invited the 
tenant to dine with her, had the fowl in question cooked as part of 
the meal, and offered him his share of the bird, explaining to him 
that now she had won her right, she was prepared to be on pleasant 
terms with him. She would share the bird with him, she said, for she 
had obtained that for which she had fought, the distinct declaration 
that she had the right to this privilege. 

The second characteristic which stands out with regard to her 
character is that connected with her religion. She was a devoted 
adherent to the Church of England, much attached to its Liturgy, 
and prepared in face of all obstacles to hold to that attachment. 
There were many threats of sequestration made against her for using 
the Liturgy of the Church of England. She did not give in for one 
single moment.* She appointed and paid chaplains for each of her 
residences, she attended the services of the Church of England, where- 
ever she resided, having them said in her own room, when she was 
imable to attend the parish church. She carried with her in her 
progresses her own chaplains, and they frequently officiated for her 
and her household. Religion was to her a matter of daily and constant 
life, and Bishop Rainbow tells us that she had a chapter of the Bible 
and morning prayers read to her every day. She was well read in 
the Bible, quoted Scripture upon all occasions, and gave Scriptural 

* With reference to the Communion, Rainbow tells us that when there was a kind of interdict 
on the land, a forbidding to administer the Sacraments according to the Book of Common 
Prayer, she refused, whatever danger might happen, to communicate in any other way, and 
kept most definitely to what he calls " the rules and forms of sound words, prescribed by the 

3o6 Lady Anne. 

references for many of her actions. Her diary abounds with references 
to Scriptural texts, in which, we find, she quoted both from the new 
Authorised Version and also from the Coverdale and from the Bishop's 
Bible, and even on the great picture she had painted there are many 
allusions to passages of Holy Writ. 

Coupled with this strong religious feeling came her generosity. 
Wherever she was, she gave daily alms to the poor. She allowed 
los. a week to be given to twenty poor people round about each 
of her castles. She supported divinity students at the University,* 
especially one, a Doctor Fairfax, to whom she allowed an income 
which he was at Queen's, of £40 a year. Her first husband's chaplains, 
Dr. King * and Dr. Duppa,' were also given allowances of £^0 a year, 
and Bishop Morley, of Winchester, received the same amount from 
her, and was furthermore substantially remembered in her will. 
It is said that when two or three of her chaplains had to flee from the 
country, and were in considerable distress, she sent a thousand pounds 
to them, to be distributed amongst them according to their needs. 

It was probably her interest in Holy Scripture which explains two 
curious entries in the Knole diary. In one she says that a Mr. Asken 
came with a letter of introduction from Lady Grantham, and she 
promised to give him ^7 when he came back from Jerusalem, whither 
he was going, while the other entry refers to her presentation of ten 
pieces of gold to a person whom she calls Mr. Beat, who had just come 
back from Jerusalem, and who told her news concerning the city, 
and gave her some information about the Holy Land which appears 
to have interested her. 

During her lifetime at Knole, she frequently mentions the names 
of the preachers, referring on two or three occasions to the visits of Dr. 
Donne, and (Jklso in one place, alluding to the fact that another cele- 

'i One of her reasons for assisting Divinity students was because she had great pride in the 
fact that her family had furnished the diocese of Carlisle with one of its Bishops, a member 
of the Vipont family. It is also stated that it was due to her persuasions that Bishop Morley 
took up a religious career, and became a very devoted clergyman. He was her godson, and 
one of her chaplains. She helped him in many ways, rejoiced when he became Bishop of 
Winchester, and remembered him in her will. 

^ Tutor to Charles II. when Prince of Wales, Fellow of All Souls i6i2, Dean of Christchurch 
1626, Bishop of Chichester 1630, of Salisbury 1641 and of Winchester 1660. 

' Henry King, Dean of Rochester and Bishop of Chichester 1641, when Duppa went tg 

To face page 306. 

Pholo—ilrs. Paul Mason. 
(see page 307). 

dated 1673 (see pase 311). 

y,'/-,-. Ml .. r.Nil Mason. 
CHURCH (see page 309). 

FUichcr — Fhoto. 
(see page 307). 

To face pa^e 307. 

j^LiF.P .^KArTSBvk-* Hov^i 



:e ■tii; 


near The Barbican, " freestone very magnificent " (.see page 263J. 

J?,a,^j: j-K,,..,, /J^^e .y>f,,/^,/ ,t^„/i 

" after the City House had been given up." 











afterwards Shaftesbury House, then Thanet House again, and 

1750 — 1771 City of London Lying-in Hospital. 

All tlirt:c from Grace collection, British Museitin. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 307 

brated preacher of the day, a Mr. Chantrell, had been sent for to preach 
the sermon. She was always punctilious in taking the Sacrament, 
and often arranged that her whole household should take it with her 
at the same time, in several places mentioning the names of those 
who presented themselves with her at the altar. The first occasion 
upon which she took the Sacrament at Brougham was in 1661. In 
alluding to her residence in the Castle at the time, she says " I received 
the Sacrament there, once at Christmas in the Chapel, once at Nine- 
kirks on Easter Day and in July at Brougham Chapel which I have 
recently built," and then tells us that this was the first time she had 
ever received the Sacrament in the Chapel. It appears that, as soon 
as she had completed the restoration of the several churches, there 
was a special dedication service, and on that occasion the Sacrament 
W£is administered, and arrangements were always made with a view 
to opening the church at Easter. For example, in 1662, she says 
that on Easter Sunday " I received the Blessed Sacrament in the 
church called Ninekirks, this being the first time that I came into it, 
after I had repaired and new built the said church." 

There are two churches in the parish of Brougham. One is usually 
known as Ninekirks, and is in a very remote part of the parish, far 
away in the centre of a field from any houses. It is dedicated to 
St. Ninian, and the Rev. Thomas Lees, in an article he wrote about 
it in 1779 gives it as his opinion that it stands on an ancient British 
foimdation, because, he says, the probabilities are against anj? dedica- 
tions being made to British saints after the visit of St. Augustin to 
England. The church contains some remarkable incised stone slabs, 
which it is believed cover the graves of Odard and Gilbert de Burgham, 
father and son, circa 1180. On one can be seen the circular shield 
called the Rondache which appears in the Bayeux Tapestry. It was 
Gilbert de Burgham who made over the advowson to his feudal Lord, 
Robert de Veteripont, lineal ancestor of the present patron. The 
interior of the church has most fortunately not been restored since 
Lady Anne rebuilt it. Her initials and the date 1660 are in relief 
plaster work at the east end. The Table of Ten Commandments 
with chosen texts and Hebrew heading is in her manner. It is on 
painted wood with gilt lettering, and was probably supplied by her. 
The date on the font is 1662, that on the quaint poor-box, 1663. 

3o8 Lady Anne. 

The pews are of oak and several of them are canopied in the manner 
adopted in the seventeenth century for the pews of a Lord's family 
and household. The pews, canopied and often screened, are all well 
carved, and the whole interior presents a delightful example of the 
family chapel of the period. 

The other church is smaller, and is usually known in the parish as 
the Chapel. At one time Lady Anne's initials and dates appeared 
at the east end, where the rose window now is. On the west, high up, 
may be seen the shield of Clifford impaling Veteripont. The building 
is situated close to Brougham Hall, and was repaired, refitted and 
decorated at considerable cost by Lord Brougham and Vaux, who 
declared that he was a lineal descendant from the De Burghams just 

In Brougham Hall are preserved some interesting vessels which are 
generally supposed to have been anciently used in this Chapel. They 
are not mentioned in the Diocesan terriers, as they were probably 
regarded as private property. It is stated that for a very long time 
they were lost, as they had been buried, and then were found. They 
are silver gilt, and the chalice and paten, undoubtedly Pre-reformation 
vessels, are inscribed " Adrien. P " (probably priest). With them is a 
censer, part of an altar cross, the stem of a monstrance or reliquary, and 
several other objects, some of which are Byzantine in character, and all 
appear to be of considerable antiquity. 

Lady Anne's attachment towards her religion showed itself in the 
restoration she undertook in various churches. She spent a consider- 
able sum of money upon Appleby Church, where she set up her own 
monument and built the vault in which she intended to be buried. 
Her initials and the date 1665 can still be seen in the church. 

Skipton Church was in a very bad state when she came into posses- 
sion of her property. She says it had been largely pulled down in 
the time of the late Civil War, so she built it all up again, repaired and 
leaded the roof and substantially repaired the chancel, erecting, as 
we mentioned in a separate chapter, in it a splendid tomb to the memory 
of her father. 

Bongate Church, near Appleby, she had pulled down and " new 
built up again att my owne charge." 

Ninekirks, the church near to Brougham, she treated jn the same 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 309 

way. " It was new built up again," she says " at the same place, 
larger and bigger than it was before, and this church of Ninekirks," 
she adds, " would in all Ukelyhood have fallen down, it was see ruinous, 
if it had not bin now repaired by me." 

MaUerstang (as I mention in another chapter) she practically rebuilt; 
and this she endowed, for there appeared to be no funds whatever 
to sustain its parson, and finally, she carried out some heavy expen- 
diture upon the chapel of her castle at Appleby, and upon the private 
chapel inside her castle of Brougham. All these works Lady Anne 
did " ad majorem Dei gloriam," but at the same time, she carefully 
recorded all the restorations in her diary, and furthermore put up 
in each church her initials * and the date, and in some instances a 
lengthy inscription, stating that she had been responsible for the 

She insisted upon her relatives visiting the churches that she had 
restored. There are many allusions to the Tufton grandchildren 
being sent with Lady Thanet to see her varioiis churches, and at times 
she refers to the fact that her visitors partook there of the Sacrament 
on the Simdays that they spent with her. 

Her generosity she carried into all the details of her daily life. 
It has already been recorded how almost invariably when receiving 
persons in whom she was interested, she made them some present. 
Sometimes it was gloves, sometimes books, frequently money, often 
jewels, rings and suchlike. That was a characteristic which had 
belonged to her in earlier da}^. In her Knole d'ary, we read of her 
sending a " little jewel of opal to Lady Trenchard's * girl," and on 
another occasion " a token to my Lady Somerset," and in return she 
received a letter and a token from the Tower from Lady Somerset. 
One of the few precious things still in existence, which belonged to 
her, is a beautiful jewel representing a group of flowers, wrought in 
gold and in enamel, exquisitely finished, which she presented to the 

* These initials A. P. still appear with the dates 1658 and 1659 in the church at Bougate, 
and also in Ninekirks and MaUerstang, as already mentioned. Furthermore, there are the 
arms of the Clifford and Veteripont family in the church at Kirkby Thore, rather implying 
that Lady Anne carried out some work to that place also, because the arms are placed iq 
exactly the position which she adopted for the achievement in other churches, such as 
Brougham, Bongate, and St. Lawrence's, Appleby, for which she carried out extensive repairs. 

• Probably the wife of Sir Thomas Trenchard, knighted at Theobald's 1613. 

310 Lady Ann£. 

wife of one of her great officials, and which still remains in the possession 
of his descendants. To the man himself, who was respopsible to her 
for a great part of her Westmoreland property, she made several 
presents, notably a fine silver porringer, with its cover, the cover 
having four attachments which serve as feet, when it is removed and 
used as a stand for the porringer, and the whole thing, which fortunately 
remains in the hands of the descendant of this official, is a piece of the 
finest quality English silver, suitably engraved and inscribed. Another 
of her presents which deserves record is that which she made to the 
parish of Dacre, near to the residence of Sir Edward Hasell, who was 
her chief steward." To him she presented a fine cup ^^ which had 
belonged to her father, George, Earl of Cumberland, and he passed 
it on to Dacre Church. It is probable that she was aware of his in- 
tention to do so, and possible that it may have been given him for 
that purpose, since Dacre was not a church that she was in the habit 
of attending, and indeed it lay some miles away from her nearest resi- 
dence Brougham Castle.^^ To that very same church ; and also to Sir 

1' Knighted May 15th, 1699, having refused a Baronetcy. In his house at Dalemain near 
Penrith, still inhabited by his descendants and enclosing an ancient Pele Tower, Lady Anne 
often stayed. 

^^ " The cup and cover have been gilt. The cover is of the usual cover-paten class, very 
flat, with button, and is ij inches high. The cup stands 7i inches high. The stem is conical, 
with moulding rsound the feet, and has no knop. The bowl is a frustum of a cone, with slightly 
curving sides. A Une is engraved below the lip with fleurs-de-lys dependent therefrom, and 
an Elizabethan band of ornamentation is round the body. The marks are four : — i. Lion 
passant ; 2. Leopard's head crowned ; 3. Roman capital F. London date letter for 1583-4 . 
4. Maker's mark: illegible, but resembles the letters So or Tc, in a plain shield." Vide — 
Church Plate of Cumberland and Westmorland. 

^ There is a very remarkable cup belonging to the parish of Brougham, which may perhaps 
have had some connection with Lady Anne. It is a fine piece of Nuremberg silver of the type 
known as the pine-apple cup, belonging to the early part of the seventeenth century, and it 
was presented to the parish by Mr. James Bird, who was one of Lady Anne's stewards, and 
who is also mentioned on several occasions in the list of her officials and servants as her attorney. 
He is believed to have presented it to the chiurch in 1660, on its rebuilding and consecration, 
and there is an inscription close up to the rim, without date, stating in Latin '* that it was 
presented to the church by him. It is of course quite possible that he had it for some time in 
his possession, but there is some evidence that he received it as a gift from Lady Anne because 
she is particularly recorded as having given a great cup to him, and she made him several 
presents in connection with the work for the estate, and purchased from him a certain part 
of his land, with which she endowed her almshouses at Appleby. 

The cup is an unusual one to have been the property of a person of his standing, but Lady 
Anne herself was particularly fond of fine cups, possessed several, and bequeathed some of 
them to her various relatives. It seems to be very likely, therefore, that she may have been 
responsible indirectly for this gift, inasmuch as just at the very time of its presentation, she 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 311 

Edward Hasell's own house, Dalemain, she presented a large stock 
lock with a fine key to it, and having marked upon it her initials 
A.P. and the date. These stock locks, she obtained from a man 
named George Dent of Appleby and she paid him 20s. each for them, 
for in her accounts for 1673 we have an entry to the following effect, 
" Paid then to George Dent of Appleby for two great large stock 
locks he made for me to give away, £2." George Sedgwick possessed 
one of these locks, and it is still to be seen on the front door of the 
house which he occupied at CoUinfield near Kendal. The Bishop of 
Carlisle had another, and it too, is still in situ in Rose Castle. Then 
there is the one at Dalemain, the one at Dacre Church, and one, 
which I beheve to be of the same character, on a door at Appleby 
Castle. There is another of these locks, bearing her initials and the 
date 1670, on a door at Great Asby Pele Tower. This was probably 
presented to the then owners of this fortified tower in commemoration 
of an occasion on which Lady Anne with the whole of her suite in 
attendance took refuge in the house during what she calls " a mighty 
storm " which overtook her on one of her progresses. She spells the 
name of the place in her papers in two different ways, once as Hasby 
and once as Ashbeigh, but it is clear that both the allusions are to 
the same place,as she only refers to this storm and the place of refuge 
in 1670. Probably there are other locks in the neighbourhood, because 
there are many traditions of the presentation of these locks to persons 
for whom she had a regard. 

She gave George Sedgwick her portrait, and she gave it also to the 
Bishop of Carlisle, and to Sir Edward Hasell. Those at Dalemain 

had been carrying out the restoration of the church and particularly narrates the heavy ex- 
penditure upon it. 

It has been stated that the magnificent cup which belongs to Bongate Church, near Appleby, 
also belonging to the early part of the seventeenth century (circa 1612) a steeple or standing cup, 
was her gift, and it has even been suggested that it was one of the steeple cups she bequeathed in 
her will. It is of course quite a possible thing that at some time or other this cup may have 
been in her possession, but it was presented to the parish by Dr. Nicholson [circa 1730) who 
was then Bishop of Carlisle, and he appears to have received it as a gift from a Mr. Wilfrid 
Lawson, who committed the cup to his Lordship's disposal, and he, being desirous of testifying 
his satisfaction with the laudable work of restoring this church, gave the cup to the parish. 
It is an exceedingly handsome one, twenty-one inches high, and nearly five inches of steeple 
above the cover, but it is quite impossible for use in the parish, and is always preserved at the 

* Ex dono Jacobi Bird, in usum Sacro sanctae Eucharistiae in Ecclesia Sancti Wilfridi de 
Brougham. Vulgariter appellata Ninekirkes in Comitatu Westmerlandiae, 

312 Lady Anne. 

and Rose Castle are still to be seen, the one at the former house in the 
actual position she is said to have selected for it. She was in the 
habit of staying at intervals with some of her chief officers, and on 
these occasions, desiring to be properly accommodated, presented a 
suitable bedstead for her own use. There was a fine one at CoUin- 
field, but that appears to have vanished, the one, however, which 
she used at Dalemain still remains in the house, and part of it is of 
special importance. It has, unfortunately been altered and added 
to, but the head and canopy are original, and are decorated with 
embroidery, which enables one to determine its exact period. There 
are four figures at the corners of the canopy in heavy applique work 
represented as holding up the canopy, while in their hands they each 
of them carry a pineapple. Evelyn refers in his diary to tasting the 
first pineapple that had been introduced into England at the table of 
Charles II., and there is a picture in the possession of the Earl of 
Dysart at Ham House, which represents Rose, the Hampton Court 
gardener, presenting to the King the first pineapple grown in England, 
and which came from the suckers of the plant from Barbadoes to which 
Evelyn is said to allude. Almost immediately after the introduction 
of the pineapple, it was regarded as the most popular object to repre- 
sent in decoration, especially in embroidery, and thus one can safely 
date the embroidery in this state bed at Dalemain to that very time. 
Lady Anne, however, carried her generosity far beyond those of 
her immediate circle. She not only gave the Bishop of Carlisle a 
bottle of her own " pulp of pomcitron " ^' and her stewards and great 
officers locks and bedsteads, but she behaved with generosity to all 
her servants and to those who were about her.^* She is declared to 
have given £50 to each of her own maids whenever they married, as 
a portion. Her wages lists reveal the fact that, in addition to the 
ordinary wages, she constantly added extra sums for special services, 
and rewarded any particular kindness with a gift of money. She 

1' Probably some kind of Apple and Lemon marmalade. 

" With respect to her presents, Bishop Rainbow expressly says that seldom any person 
came under her roof, who did not carry away " some mark or memorial of her, some badge 
of her friendship or kindness, she having always in store such things as she thought fit to 
present." He goes on to say that "she did not always consider what was great, or what might 
by value, make the present worthy of acceptation, or how it suited to the condition of the 
person, but what, as her pleasant memory suggested, might make her memorable to the person 
who was to receive it." 

"tHE Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 313 

purchased all the food and fodder and wine required in each of her 
castles locally, declining to send to London for anything that her 
own people could possibly procure or supply, and for aU this, she 
was insistent upon pa5dng cash, setting her face against delays or 
credit. Proof of this is evident in the regulations she made respecting 
her almswomen, -who were in danger of losing their positions, if they 
venttired to take up any credit whatever in Appleby or at Skipton. 

She carefully records the names of her servants, and when her 
chief servants died, she makes special reference to their decease in 
her diary, expressing her grave concern at having lost them. Marsh, 
to whom she addressed many of her letters, was a specially trusted 
servant. He was the chief officer of her estate in Sussex, and she 
addressed him as her " dear and assured friend " so when in 1656 he 
died at Baynard'S Castle, she writes of his death as having happened 
to her " great grief," she calls him her " Deare ffriende " and particularly 
with curious love of detail, records the fact that he was buried the 
same night that he died in the church near to Baynard's Castle, 
" called St. Bennet by Paul's Wharf." 

About another servant, we have four entries, worded in graceful 
fashion. In 1657, on the ist October, Lady Anne teUs us that she had 
a visit from Mr. John Turner, with his wife Elizabeth, who she says, 
" had served mee even from her childhood till now." They came 
down to see her at Skipton, and she stated that, although Mrs. Turner 
was too old to continue in her service, her husband was to continue 
to receive her jointure rents " as long as ever he shall please." She 
records his death at Ramsbury in January, 1663. Later on, she asked 
Elizabeth Turner to come down and see her at Skipton and to stay 
for a week. " Elizabeth, the widow that had served me so many 
years." Mrs. Turner married again, and became Mrs. Gilmore, and 
in 1669, in May, she had her down once more to see her. " The 
nth day of May," she wrote, " my old servant, Mrs. Elizabeth Gilmore, 
whose first husband was Mr. John Turner, came down to see me." 
They came down in a hired coach, for which it is pretty clear Lady 
Anne paid the cost. At York, Lady Anne's own coach-horses met 
them, with two of her servants, George Goodgion and John Hall, 
and brought them to Greta Bridge, over Stainmoore, to Brough. 
There they stayed for a night, and then they came on to Appleby, 

^i^ Lady Anne. 

being accommodated in the Baron's Chamber. Thence they journeyed 
to Julian's Bower, and then on through Whinfell Park to Lady Anne 
at Brougham, and there she says, " I kissed Mrs. Gilmore, I not having 
seen her since she had been a while at Skipton Castle with me." 

Another of her chief of&cers was William Edge, the receiver of her 
Sussex rents. He came down to see her at Skipton, and lay, she sa5rs, 
" in the Withdrawing chamber, next the gallery." He stayed with 
her for some few days, and he and Mrs. Turner went away together 
on their journey towards London. Edge lost his wife, and when he 
had taken to himself a second one. Lady Anne asked him down to 
come and see her. This was in 1670, in September, and she tells us 
that Mr. William Edge " who had bin formerly my Domestic Servant, 
and is now Receiver-Generall of my Southern Rents, came with his 
second and new-married wife (who was a widow, and whom I never 
saw before) " to stay with her at Appleby for seven nights. They 
came through Staffordshire and Lancashire to Kendal, were lodged 
in the Baron's Chamber, and after a pleasant sojourn with her, they 
went back again to London, " and I had no,t seen William Edge " 
she says, " these good many years before, till now." 

Another servant to whom there is frequent reference is Gabriel 
Vincent, who was in charge of all the repairs at Skipton Castle, and 
in whom she placed a vast amount of confidence. He died in 1666 at 
Brough, to her " great grief and sorrow," she says, and particularly 
refers to his faithfulness concerning her. 

Lady Anne kept up a large establishment, surrounding herself by 
many servants, but they all appear to have been devotedly attached 
to her, and she carefully records the names of them.^^ 

" She alludes to ffairer who was her constable, Harrison, who house-steward at Brough, 
Johnson, who held a similar position at Appleby, Braithwaite, house-steward at Pendragon, 
and Mrs. Demaine, who was the housekeeper at Barden Tower. Guy was her gardener at 
Appleby, Edward Smith coachman, George Paget baker, John Harrison brewer, Henry Bonson 
herdman, James Bird attorney, F. Mason warrener (to whom she paid i6s. 3d. a quarter for 
feeding his ferrets) and Lancelot Machell, who began life as her boy page, her constant attendant 
and personal servant. Others who were mentioned were the valet and hairdresser Groodgion 
Hall, chief groom, Isaac Walker stable groom, Richard Lowes, general house-steward, Abraham 
Fitter postillion, Dorothy Demaine, Margaret Dargue, Anne Chippendale, Jane Slidall, laundry- 
maids, and Isabel Jordan, washerwoman, besides other servants named Raynolson, Buckle, 
Rawling, Murgatroyd, whose position is not specially mentioned, and Arthur Swindon imder- 
butler, who was a specially faithful servant, and had been with her since boyhood, and died 
Only a week before she herself passed away. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 315 

We hear frequently of her two gentlewomen or ladies-in-waiting, 
Mrs. Pate and Mrs. Machell, constantly of her sheriff, Mr. Gabetis, 
to whom, in her wiU, she made a handsome bequest, and almost as 
frequently of the Stricklands, two of whom served her, Thomas being 
the receiver of her rents and her draughtsman, and Alan her steward. 

Another of her characteristics seems to have been a certain dry, 
caustic wit and upon one occasion when she was pressed to come up 
again to Court, " to glut her eyes " as a friend told her, " with 
the sight of such happiness as transpired at Court, and to see the 
sights of gallantry and glory," she said that she could only consent 
to do so, if she w£is allowed to go to Court wearing blinkers, lest, said 
she, " I should see sind censure what I cannot judge of, give offence 
to others, or be offended myself." 

Bishop Rainbow refers to her humility, speaking of her habit of 
dining with the old ahnswomen, and to her insistence that those of 
her relatives who came to see her at Appleby, should also go and pay 
visits to the almshouses and take a meal with the old women. He 
also alludes to her great consideration for her servants and dependants, 
and to the way in which she looked after them, and helped them in 
any time of distress. All this, it is evident, is true, but the pages of 
her Day-by-Day book show that she never forgot her position, however 
scrupulous and careful she weis to assist those who were in trouble, 
and to take part with them in their pleasures. She particularly 
records, however, in this Day-by-Day book, the fact that her folk, 
meaning her own servants, dined as a rule by themselves in their 
hall, Emd that others, the superior servants and great officials, in 
what she calls the Painted Chamber at Brougham, and with them 
were the parson of the place and his wife, and several of the guests 
of lower standing who came to see her, and who were afterwards 
received with great dignity by herself in her own room. At the same 
time, she makes it clear that when her own personal family came to 
see her, they dined with her, that is to say, her own children and 
grandchildren, and some of the special guests, such as the Lord 
Marshal of England and the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Derby and others 
of her own rank, whom she received with her. The distinction is 
clearly drawn with a definite hand between those persons who were 
of her own standing, and others who occupied positions rather beneath 

3i6 Lady Anne. 

it. It does not in any degree detract from the character Bishop 
Rainbow gives of her, and only shows that laws of precedence and 
regulations regarding family distinctions, were even more tenaciously 
upheld in those days than in later times, and that it was quite possible 
for Lady Anne, with all her humility and courtesy, to behave in 
benevolent fashion to those who were about her, and yet at the same 
time to be almost austere in marking the differences between her 
own people and those who served her or were casual acquaintances. 
She was the great lady of the district, the owner of the entire estate^ 
which embraced a large part of Westmoreland, a woman of considerable 
means for those days, and the leading person in the county. That 
position was a cause of pride to her, and her journeys to and from 
her castles were conducted with all the elements of great state. She 
herself went in her horse litter, her ladies-in-waiting, her gentle- 
women, were in her coach drawn by six horses, her other great officials, 
her menservants, on horseback, her womenservants in another coach, 
and all the paraphernalia that accompanied such a vast crowd followed 
on behind. It must not be forgotten that in those days the bedding 
was carried from place to place, in addition to which, chairs, carpets, 
curtains and tapestry hangings were moved away from one castle 
and placed in position in the next, ready for her use. In addition, 
however, to her own people, she was in the habit of being accompanied 
on several of these journeys by her neighbours and friends. In some 
instances she seems to have demanded their attendance, as she weis 
the High Sheriff of the county and Lady of the Manor, and they were in 
many instances her tenants, and perhaps, in almost every case tenants 
under her manors, pa5H[ng to her some kind of manorial rent. She 
therefore appears to have had the privilege of summoning them to 
accompany her, and they did so on horseback when she made her 
progresses. She speaks of the neighbouring gentry, of the magistrates, 
of her own relatives, Sir Richard Lowther, Sir Philip Musgrave and 
others, who came with her, and she appears to have been accompanied 
by all these people, sometimes over 300 in number, until she reached 
the castle where she was going to reside, and then receiving them 
singly in her own room, she gave the " men her hand, kissed the women" 
and dismissed them all, and " they returned home." Sometimes she 
took her leave of them in the court, although her own relatives, such 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 317 

as the Lowthers and Whartons, seem generally to have come inside 
the house, and then, having all of them taken their leave of her, she 
herself says, with reference to Pendragon, " I came upstairs, and 
through the great chamber into my own chamber," and with reference 
to Brough, " I came away into my own chamber in Clifford Tower," 
rejoicing once more at being back in her own home. It must have 
been a large company that wended its way from Brougham to Appleby, 
from Appleby to Brough, Pendragon and Skipton, and from Skipton 
to Barden Tower in those numerous journeys from place to place. 

In removing from one castle to another, as a rule, she describes the 
route which she followed. She appears to have been anxious to view 
certain parts of her property in these progresses, and in consequence 
did not always follow the same route. She had also a great desire 
to travel by unfrequented roads, and more then once alludes to the 
fact that her coach travelled along a particular road which no coach 
had ever been on before. She generally mentions the place where 
she spent the night, and took the opportunity of paying visits on 
these occasions to several of her neighbours. We have descriptions 
of her journeys from Skipton to Brougham, to Pendragon, and to 
Barden Tower, and vice versa, also to journeys from Appleby to 
Barden, to Pendragon, to Brough and to Brougham, and vice versa, 
as well as those from Barden to Pendragon, from Brough to Pendragon, 
and in the reverse direction. The journeys from Appleby to Brougham 
were the simplest and easiest, those from Appleby to Skipton, or to 
either of the intermediate castles, such as Brough, Barden or Pen- 
dragon, more complicated. It wiU be of interest, especially to those 
who reside in that part of the world, if we examine the routes by which 
she travelled from place to place. One of the earliest journeys to 
which she alludes is that which she took in 1656 from Skipton to 
Brougham, almost the only occasion upon which she travelled this 
long journey. The first night she spent at the Inn at Kirkby Lonsdale, 
having travelled, she wrote, by way of Ingieton, and she then appears 
to have gone right across Shap Fell to Melkinthorpe,^® where she 
stayed, she says, at Mr. Dalston's house, being the " first and last 

** Melkinthorpe is a manor in Lowtlier parish;, which originally belonged to the Musgraves 
from whom it passed to the Fallowfields and by marriage of the heiress of that family, to the 
Palstons of Acorn Bank, who are frequently referred to in her diary. 

31 8 Lady Anne. 

t5mie that 1 was ever in thatt Howse," and that evening entered 

On two occasions she narrates in detail her journeys from Skipton 
to Pendragon. In 1663, after having been at Bar den Tower for some 
months, she moved on to Skipton, and leaving there, spent the first 
night at Mr. Cuthbert Wade's house, Kilnsey,i' a property not very 
far from Skipton Castle. Then, she says, she went on " through 
Kettlewell Dale, upp Buckden Rakes, and over the Staks into Wens- 
leydale " to stay with her cousin ^* Mr. Thomas Metcalf, at his house 
at Nappa. This route must have been attended with some difficulty, 
because, on what is known as Stake Moss, there have been very few 
roads, and many of them were always of an unsatisfactory character. 
Nappa was just a mile south of Askrigg, and the house where Lady 
Anne stayed, an important one, where Sir Christopher Metcalf is said 
twice to have entertained Mary, Queen of Scots. The Metcalfs of 
Nappa ^® were great people in that neighbourhood, for we read in 
Camden of Sir Christopher when High Sheriff attending York Assizes 
in 1556 at the head of three hundred mounted followers, who were 
all members of his family or important tenants on his estate " men 
of his own name or kin." For two nights Lady Anne remained at 
Nappa, and then she says she went over Cotter in her coach, "where 
I think never did coach went before," and crossing Helgill Bridge 
(an erection of some importance, as she sent her nephew more than 
once to see it) she entered Pendragon by Mallerstang. The particular 
route that she adopted on this occasion can easily be traced. She 
left Hawes rather to the north, and followed a road across what is 
now called Cotter Riggs, by Thwaite Common to Helgill, and then 
high up on the mountains, dipping down into the main road, by a 
place now known as Deepgill, and approaching Pendragon on the 
main road. It is rather puzzling to know why she adopted this 
difficult road, which, although easily to be found at the present day, 

"Sir William Wade (or more usually Waad) of Kilnsey (1546-1623) was Lieutenant of the 
Tower, Clerk to the Privy Council, and a Diplomatist The family presented the Church Plate 
to the parish of Amcliff in Craven. Mr. Cuthbert Wade was a Captain in the army of Charles 
I., a magistrate for York, and a Captain in the Trained Band for the County of York. He 
died August 17th, 1665. 

w His great-grandmother was a daughter of Henry, ist Earl of Cumberland. He died about 

" The Metcalf j^rms are argent three calves passant sabh. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 319 

is no more than a bridle path, and ahnost impossible of access for 
any wheeled vehicle. She says it was the first time she was ever in 
Kettlewell Dale, or went over Buckden Rakes, or the Stake or Cotter, 
or in " any of those dangerous places," and she evidently wels im- 
pressed by the difficulties of the journey, for she says, " Wherein yet 
God was pleased to preserve me in that journey." It is almost in- 
conceivable, when one regards the road at the present time, to believe 
that her coach and six horses could have travelled over it, or could 
have made a safe descent from this mountain bridle path (for it is 
really little more than that) down to the main road ij miles from 

She took much the same road in 1666, when she was going in the 
reverse direction. She left Pendragon and first of all visited the 
chapel at MaUerstang, the first time she had ever been into that chapel, 
and then journeyed over what she calls " Cotter and those dangerous 
Wayes " to Bainbridge, where she halted " at Mr. John Colbeye's *" 
Howse," and stayed there that night with her women servants, the 
first time she had been there. Some of her menservants remained 
also at Bainbridge, others she sent further on their way to Askrigg. 
Then, the following day, she went " over the Stake, downe Buckden 
Rakes," and again to Mr. Cuthbert Wade's house at Kilnsey, eventually 
reaching Skipton in due course. Still referring to what may be called 
her Yorkshire journeys, we have two allusions to her travelling from 
Barden to Skipton. On one occasion, she says she came the nearest 
way through the Haw Park. On the other she entered into a little 
more detail concerning her route. It was in the reverse direction, 
' by Haw Park, by Skibden and Halton and those waies,' she in her 
horse litter, her chief women in her coach with six horses, and her 
menservants on horseback. There is one account of a journey from 
Barden to Appleby, which took her throi;gh another part of the 
country. Then, she says, she spent three nights on the way, the 
first at " Paiteley Bridge," the second " at Street ^^ House not farre " 

^ Colby Hall is near Bainbridge. It is an old grey stone gabled Farm House {circa 1550- 
1600). For some time the Rt. Hon. Francis Acland, M.P., used to reside in part of it. There 
are monuments to various members of the Colby family in the church near by. 

^ Street House is now a Farm House. It is in the parish of Hornby and is situate onWatling 
Street, hence its name. It is 3i miles from Bedale and belongs to the Duke of Leeds, part 
of his Hornby estate. The present bouse was not the one seen by Lady Anne. It is an i8th 
century erectioi), 


Lady Anne. 

from Bedel], and the third at Bowes *^ " at a poor inne " whence 
she came over Bowes Moor and Stainmore, passing by Brough, and 
so into Appleby. This was a long and dangerous journey, over a 
very wild part of the coimtry. She narrates that on her way, she 
went for the first and only time in her life, " hard by Snape,^^ a house 
of the Earl of Exeter's," and she also reminded herself that the only 
time she had been at Bowes Common before, was when she journeyed 
back from Brougham Castle to her first husband, after she had made 
the eventful trip to see and consult her mother respecting the estates. 
Journeys from Pendragon to Barden, or in the reverse direction, were 
taken by way of Ravenstonedale and Sedbergh, which was probably 
the easiest way, but which does not at the present day strike one as 
being the most direct. She stayed en route with a Mr. John Otway, ; 
a lawyer, at Ingmor (now known as Ingmire Hall), close to Sedbergh. 
Thence she went by the direct road towards Kirkby Lonsdale, but 
did not actually touch that place. She says she was within " sight 
thereof," then, turning aside, travelled over Cowen Bridge, Ingleton, 
and across Clapham Bottom to Clapham, where lived her old friends 
the family of that name, one of whom became one of her chief officers, 
and was intimately concerned in the administration of Beamsley 
Almshouses. She did not stay with Mr. Clapham, but went on to 
Settle, and slept the night at the Inn there, having never seen that 
place before, and then journeyed over the moor, by what she calls 
" Mawham Water ^ Tarn," now Malham Tarn, and so into Barden. 
On the return journey, when she left Barden, she stayed a night 
with Mr. John Symonson at his house at Starbolton in Craven for the 
first and only time, then straight on to Wensleydale, where she stayed 
again with Mr. John Colbeye, and eventually travelled up by Cotter 

^ It is said that the school from which Dickens took the idea of Dotheboys Hall was at 

^ Snape Castle still stands and the entire south front is inhabited. It belonged to the Cecils, 
Earls of Exeter till 1793, having come to them from the Latimers, one of whose heiresses, Dorothy 
Nevill, married the first Earl in 1564. It has since belonged to the Milbank family, and now 
(1919) belongs to William Cresswell Gray, Esq. It is an imposing turreted structure containing 
an interesting chapel with a ceiling painted by Verrio. 

^ Malham Cove is a stupendous limestone crag 286 feet high. Above it on the moor is 
Malham Water or Tarn, said to be the source of the river Aire. It is 3 miles in circumference. 
Lady Anne in 1650 claimed the Tarn as part of the Percy Fee and so of the Craven estate^ 
and all her life insisted on having Keeper's rights over it. This claim was continued by some 
of her descendants but the Tarn, so far as I can ascertain, WEts never actually Clifford property. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 321 

Hill, over Helgill Bridge, round by Mallerstang Chapel, into Peiidragon. 

On four separate occasions, Lady Anne alludes to the journeys 
from Brough to Pendragon, or in the reverse direction. These were 
the shortest of all the journeys she had to take, and were compara- 
tively simple, besides giving her an opportunity of staying with her 
OAvn relatives, the Whartons at Wharton Hall. She travelled, of 
course, through Brough Sowerby and Kirkby Stephen, and the road 
was an easy and straight one. She did not always stay at Wharton 
Hall.^* On one occasion she specifically states that she did not " go 
through the Parke," on another that she only came " within sight of 
Wharton Hall," and she speaks of crossing the river Eden, and over 
a part of Askfell, and of approaching " the town " of Brough, through 
a part of which she rode into her Castle. 

When she went from Brough to Appleby or in reverse direction, she 
had an even simpler journey, and it was by a main road, through 
Warcop, she says, and Bongate, and over Appleby Bridge, into her 
castle of Appleby, not, of course, ascending the hiU through the 
town, as is the usual access now, but the winding one behind the 
castle, and entering at what is now the entrance at the rear of the 
cEustle. The road from Pendragon to Appleby, when she had no 
intention of stopping on the way at Brough, was a long but fairly 
direct route, and one she adopted on many occasions. She went by 
Mallerstang and AskfeU, in sight, she says, of Wharton Hall and 
Hartley Castle, so traveUing by way of Kirkby Stephen, and then 
passed through Waitby and Soulby, over what she caUs Soulby Mask. 
She speaks of being within sight of Brough Castle, an allusion not 
easy to understand, because Soulby was the nearest approach she made 
to Brough, and the distance was considerable, unless perchance it 
was just the tower which could be seen in the distance as she looked 
over Great and Little Musgrave. The first part of this journey, when 
she left Pendragon, was through what was caUed at that time the 
forest of Mallerstang. 

Her principal journeys were between Brougham and Appleby. 
These were her two favourite places of residence, and were also the 
most convenient of access one from the other, the route being simple 

^ This is now a farm house close to the Midland Station. The title of Wharton has lately 
(1916) been called out of abeyance by the Crown, 


322 Lady Anne. 

and direct. As a rule, when she left Brougham, she tells us that she 
went through Whinfell Park, round by the Hart's Horn Tree to Julian's 
Bower, in the Park, where sometimes she stopped, but occasionally, 
she mentions that she " did not alight to go into it," and then 
travelling over the Edenbridge she went through what she describes 
as " the towns " of Temple Sowerby, Kirkby Thore and Crackenthorpe, 
down the Slape Stones,^* over Appleby Bridge, near the church, and 
through Appleby town, again turning to the road already mentioned, 
near to what she calls High Cross by Scattergate, in order to curve 
round at the back of the castle, and not ascending the hill to the 
entrance which is now used. Some of these journeys from Appleby 
to Brougham or vice versa are described with particular care, and 
about one or two of them there are incidents of some special interest. 
In 1670, when she had been in Appleby Castle for a considerable time, 
having come thither from Pendragon, she speaks of her passing through 
the withdrawing-room and the great chamber, into the chapel, where 
she spent a little while, and so through the hall, where she took her 
litter at the hall door in the court. She then alludes to her route 
through the town of Appleby, over the bridge through Crackenthorpe, 
Kirkby Thore, Temple Sowerby, Woodside, and by the Hart's Horn 
Tree, specially mentioning that she " stopped and looked at it for a 
while," and so into Brougham, and then, taking leave of all those 
who had accompanied her, " several of the gentry of this county, and 
of my neighbours and tenants, both of Appleby, Brougham, and 
Penrith, in the hall of the Castle," she went up through the great 
chamber and Painted Chamber, and the little passage room, into her 
own room, which of course she describes in her customary manner as 
that in which her noble father was born, and her blessed mother died. 
On the return journey, when she left her own room, she said she went 
for a little while out of it into the room adjoining, which she describes 
as the middle room of the great Pagan Tower, and as the place where 
an old servant named " Jane Bricknell had died," and then came 
back into her own chamber. It would appear to be likely that this 
was the occasion for a visit to the chapel, because the chapel at 
Brougham seems to have been approached from her own room through 

2' Another name for Battle Barrow. There is a small house there still called Slape Stone 
HoTise— dose to Appleby, 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 323 

what she calls the middle room. Then, having paid this customary 
visit, she came downstairs about eleven o'clock, so she tells us, "through 
the little passage room, the Painted Chamber, and the great chamber, 
into the Hall," and thence passed into " the garden for a little while," 
came back again into the court, where she took her horse litter. On 
this occasion she particularly tells us that she rode round by the Pillar 
" that I erected in memory of my last parting there with my blessed 
mother," and then again we have the same regular route over the 
Edenbridge through Temple Sowerby, Kirkby Thore and Cracken- 
thorpe, down the Slape Stones, over Appleby Bridge, near by the 
church and through the town. She says that many of the chief 
gentry were with her, and when she alighted at Appleby, and had bid 
farewell to all her friends, she went through the hall up into the chapel 
of the castle for a little while, to return thanks for her journey, thence 
" into the great chamber, and so up the green stairs, through the 
withdrawing chamber," into her own room. 

Towards the end of her life, the journeys became rather more 
difficult. In 1673, leaving Appleby Castle in exactly the same manner, 
she went through the withdrawing-chamber and great chamber into 
the chapel, but was taken with what she describes as a " swounding 
fitt," evidently a very serious faint,*' She was carried into the 
green chamber, and after a while recovered, but, far from relinquishing 
her purpose, " after I was, by God's blessing, recovered of it, I came 
from thence again down the stairs, through the hall into the court," 
where once more the same trouble befell her and she fainted away. 
Then she was carried into the Baron's Chamber, and one would have 
naturally supposed that the whole excursion would have been given 
up. But such was not her habit. " Having," she says, " also by 
God's blessing, gotten past it, I went down again into the court^ 
where I took my horse litter," and then she starts the same journey 
again, by exactly the same route, into the court of Brougham Castle, 
where, says she, " I came safe and well, I thank God, about four 
o'clock that afternoon." There she alighted, went up stairs into the 
hall, where she states, " all the company of my neighbours and tenants 
and others that came along with me, took their leaves of me and 

2' In March 1662 she had suffered in similar fashion, " I had a swounding fitt " she says 
" whereby I was in great danger of death, but it pleased God to restore me to I,ife and health? 
againe in a very short space." 

324 Lady Anne. 

went away, and I came upstairs, through the great chamber and 
Painted Chamber and passage room, into my own chamber." 

Bishop Rainbow, in the funeral sermon, gives us some further 
details regarding this particular incident. He tells us that the day 
was " very cold," that there was a frost, and that it was misty. He 
says that Lady Anne had very much company coming to attend her 
removal, and that it was in the chapel where the first faint occurred. 
She was " at or near a window," he writes, sending " up her private 
Prayers and Ejaculations," when immediately she fell into a swoon, 
and could not be recovered until she had been lain for some time upon 
a Bed near a great fire." He then goes on to state that her neighbours 
and the gentlemen who attended her " used much persuasion that she 
would return to her Chamber, and not travel on so sharp and cold a 
day ; but she, having before fixed on that day, and so much company 
being come purposely to wait on her, she would go." He then alludes 
to her second faint, which happened as she came to the horse litter, 
and to the fact that she was carried back again into her room, he 
says " Yet, as soon as that fit was over, she went." Furthermore, 
he tells us what Lady Anne herself does not mention in her diary, 
that at the end of her journey she had a third attack, " a swooning 
seized on her again," from which, he says, " being soon recovered, 
when some of her servants and others represented to her, with repining, 
her undertaking such a journey, foretold by divers to be so extremely 
hazardous to her Life," she replied, " she knew she must die, and it 
was the same thing to her to die in the way as in her house, in her 
litter as in her bed," and so, concludes he, " she would not acknowledge 
any necessity why she should Live, but believed it necessary to keep 
firm to her Resolution." He tells the story as an example of her fine 

The last journey which she took was on just the same Unes. She 
had been in Appleby from May till October, and then journeyed by 
the customary road, by way of Crackenthorpe, Woodside, etc., to 
Brougham, where she had not been since July three years before. 
She arrived there in October, went away to her own room, and there 
it was that she died in the following March. 

It is of interest to be able to trace the route which, in most cases, 
she adopted on these long journeys, and to understand the determina- 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 325 

tion with which she travelled across lonely unfrequented ways, in 
order to have a good knowledge of her estates in different parts of 
the county. She also took an infinite pleasure in going by some road 
which had not hitherto been used for coach traffic, perhaps in order to 
prove that she was able to journey wherever she pleased, and the 
knowledge of difficulties only seoms to have emphasised her deter- 
mination to take a particular route. 

Bishop Rainbow teUs us that one of the reasons she adopted for 
traveUing by unfrequented roads was that she might confer bounty 
upon the people near by. " She strewed her Bounty," he sa5rs, by 

the way, " and for this end it was that she so often removed ; 

and that, not only in the Winter season, less fit for traveUing ; but 
also that she chose to pass those uncouth and untrodden, those 
mountainous and almost impassable ways ; that she might make the 
poor people and labourers her Pioneers, who were always well rewarded 
for their pains." " Her paths," he goes on to state in allegorical 
fashion, " dropped fatness, even upon the pastures of the wilderness 
and the barren mountains." " If she found not Mines in these 
Mountains, I am sure the Poor found Money in good plenty whenso- 
ever she passed over them." 

Her character is summed up by Rainbow in the following words : — 
" I might first tell what advantages she had for intellectual Virtues, 
even from Nature itself, which had endowed her Soul with such 
excellent Abilities as made her ready to build up herself in the know- 
ledge of all things decent and praise-worthy in her Sex. She had 
great sharpness of Wit, a faithful Memory, and deep Judgment, so that 
by the help of these, much Reading, and conversation with Persons 
enoinent for Learning, she had early gain'd a knowledge, as of the 
best things, so an ability to discourse in all Commendable Arts and 
Sciences, as weU as in those things which belonged to Persons of her 
Birth and Sex to know." 

Going on to refer to her personal habits. Rainbow adds, " Yet here 
I may be bold to tell you something to wonder at : That she much 
neglected, and treated very harshly one Servant, and a very Antient 
one, who served her from her Cradle, from her Birth, very faithfully, 
according to her mind ; which ill-usage therefore her Menial Servants, 
as well as her Friends and Children, much repined at. And who this 

326 Lady Ann^. 

Servant was, I have named before. It was her body, who, as I said, 
was a Servant most obsequious to her Mind, and served her fourscore 
and six years. 

It will be held scarce credible to say, but it is a truth to averr, that 
the Mistris of this Family was dieted more sparingly, and I believe, 
many times more homely, and clad more coarsely and cheaply than 
most of the Servants in her House ; her Austerity and Humility was 

seen in nothing more, than in neglecting of the body, not 

in any honour to the satisfying of the Flesh." 

Yet again he refers in the same sermon to her costume, in which he 
says that " her dress, not disliked by any, was yet imitated by none," 
and we understand from various letters and papers, that almost 
invariably she dressed in a rough black serge, and spent very little 
upon her own costume after she came North, in order that she might 
have the more to give away. 

Finally, he sums up her character in the following words, " She was 
absolute Mistris of her Self, her Resolutions, Actions and Time ; and 
yet allowed a time for every purpose, for aU Addresses, for any Persons. 
None had access but by leave, when she called ; but none were rejected ; 
none must stay longer than she would ; yet none departed unsatisfied. 
Like him at the Stern, she seemed to do little or nothing, but indeed 
she turned and steered the whole course of her Affairs." 

Some 13 odd pages of Lady Anne's account book for 1673 have been 
saved from the general destruction which seems to have overtaken 
many of her papers, and were copied by the Rev. Joseph Whiteside 
in the Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Archaeological 
Society.*^ Several of the entries are of considerable interest, especially 
as they constitute almost the only record that we have of her own 
petty cash expenditure during the time that she was residing in the 
North. For some of the entries, there are not the actual figures. 
Her claret she bought from Thomas Carlton, the Mayor of Appleby, 
and gave 4s. a gallon for it, and the same for white wine, but Sack 
from the same man cost los. a gallon. She evidently herself indulged 
in the luxury of smoking, because the account book includes an 
entry of one pound of best Virginian tobacco " for my owne taking," 4s. 

^ Vol. V N.S., Art. XVI, p. i88; 13 pp. foolscap, August to October, 1673. 

The Character and Habits of Lady Anne. 32J* 

Her expenditure on her dress was not very serious. She paid 
William Marshall the tailor of Bongate " for making a black cloth 
gown for mee and for things for ye making of it up, 39s. 6d." She 
purchased gloves in Kirkby Stephen to give away, bu57ing at one 
time four dozen "ruffelles " for men at 5s. 6d. a pair, and three dozen 
for women at is. 4d. a pair. There is also an entry of fifty-five books 
of devotion by the Rev. John Rowlet of Kirkby Stephen which she 
bought to give away. They cost £3 5s. 4d. the lot. She gave " the 
lame women of my almshouse here at Appleby " 2s. 6d., and she gave 
to Dorothy Wilber, " the deafe woman of my almshouse here at 
Appleby, for eighteen yards of bonelace " to give away, 12s. To the 
barber, George Goodgion, " for clipping off all the Haires of my 
Heade in my chamber at this Appleby Castle," she paid 6s. To the 
parson, James Buchanan, " our parson, when he now preached a good 
sermon to me and my family, in my chamber at this Appleby Castle," 
she presented 20s. and she gave him 20s. more, " when he administered 
the Blessed Sacrament of bread and wine to me and them," and to 
the Parish Clerk 5s. She bought a " pair of bodyes for mee for my 
own use," and paid 3s. 8d. for them, and at the same time as these 
were purchased, the same servant obtained 10 yards of fustian for 
her at is. 3d. a yard. Another entry was for " white thread for 
making me four pairs of stockings, 5s. 8d." She sent her servant into 
town to buy some groceries, and the entry reads " Two sugar loaves 
he bought mee for the preserving of Plumms, 7/2, and for six GaUy 
Potts to put them into, 1/6." She then paid Arthur her under Butler 
for assisting Mrs. Rate, one of her Gentlewomen, in preserving of the 
plioms, 2s. 6d. 

For her cheeses, she appears to have sent to Brougham Castle, to 
the wife of the vicar. Rev. Samuel Crasty, who made them for her. 
She bought sixteen cheeses at a time at 4d. a pound from Brougham, 
and gave the servant who brought them 2s. 6d. Oats she bought 
at 2s. 6d. a bushel, and malt 5s. od. a bushel. 

She notes down that she has paid for some repairs to a fence, and 
also 9s. 8d. for mending the park wall. A Mrs. Brane had sent 
her a present of sweetmeats. She gave the servant 6s. od. Further- 
more, she bought some more sweetmeats from a Mrs. Clebum and 
Mrs. Brass, and gave them los. od. for them. To the steward who 

328 Lady Anne. 

brought her her Craven rents, she for his " paines and care " gave 
30s. od., to the servant who accompanied him, George Goodgion for 
his " paines and assistance," los. od., and to a man who was with 
them for protection, 5s. od. more. To the auditor, Mr. Gabetis her 
Sheriff, when he went over the accounts and she signed them, she 
presented 40s. od. She bought some quinces and some apples for 
40s. od. She gave Edward Sandford, " the deafe gentleman " a 
gratuity of 20s. od., and she sent George Sedgwick into Kendal to 
obtain some 2| yards of scarlet cloth and 30 yards of Linen cloth to 
give away. She paid 29s. od. a yard for the scarlet and 2s. 8d. a yard 
for the Unen. Her coal came from her " owne Pitts on Stainemoor " 
and only cost her is. od. per load for cartage to Appleby. Wood she 
had in plenty from her park and she paid two men is. od. each for 
cutting it up. 




ONCE certainly in Lady Anne's life she had a book dedicated 
to her, and appears to have resented very strongly the author's 
indiscretion. It is an interesting story, especially to biblio- 
graphers, and does not seem to have been hitherto in print. In fact, 
it was only by an accident that the dedication was recently discovered, 
and considerable investigation has followed upon this discovery. 
What is perhaps still more important is that, as far as this investigation 
can determine, but one copy of the little volume with its dedication 
complete seems to have survived. 

The author was that eccentric person Anthony Stafford (1587- 
1645 ?), a writer of strange and unusual devotional works. Of his 
life and career very little is known. He matriculated as a Gentleman 
Commoner at Oriel in March, 1605, entering as a student at the Inner 
Temple in the following year. In Oxford he was declared to be a 
good scholar " well read in ancient historians, poets and other authors." 
He took his Master's degree in 1623, and was then said to be " a person 
adorned with all kinds of literature." His ideas of publishing books 
appear to have started in 1609, when he received some special per- 
mission which allowed him to study in the public library in Oxford, 
and he issued several theological and devotional treatises, some of 
which are said to have given great offence to the Puritan party. 

The work to which I am alluding was one of the first, if not actually 
•the very first, treatises from his pen, and was entitled " Stafford's 
Niobe, or his age of Teares, a Treatise no less profitable and comfortable 
than the Times Damnable." It was issued in two parts, and it is to 
the second part that I make special allusion. In the following year 
he issued his " Mored, Divine and Political Meditations," and followed 

330 Lady Anne. 

that with other works, for example, " The Day of Salvation, a Homily 
upon the Sacrifice of Christ " (1635) . " Honour and Virtue triumphing 
over the Grave " (1640) and especially " The Female Glory, or the 
Life and Death of the Virgin Mary," which was sometimes described 
as " The Precedent of Female Perfection." This came out in the 
same year as the " Day of Salvation," and met with very bitter 
opposition, specially amongst the Puritans. 

The date of Stafford's death is not known, he was certainly living 
in 1645, and is said to have died during the time of the Civil Wars. 
His work was not specially notable, but his books are on the whole 
scarce, because they met with such strong disapproval that they were 
destroyed, and in consequence are not often to be met with. The 
" Niobe," as I have already stated, was issued in two parts. On the 
title page of the first part, he went on to state " Wherein Death's 
visard is pulled off, and her face discovered not to be so fearful as the 
Vulgar makes it, and withall it is showed that death is onely bad to 
the bad, good to the good." The second part bore a different title. 
This he calls " Stafford's Niobe dissolv'd into a Nilus ; or, his Age 
drown'd in her owne teares, serving as a Second Part to the former 
Treatise. Wherein the Vanitie and Villanie of the Age, and the 
miserie of Man are so painted to the life as that it will make a man 
long to leave this painted life to go to that true and eternall one." 
The first part of the book was dedicated to Robert Cecil, Earl of 
Salisbury, because, says the author, " my father was a neighbour of 
your father, being much obliged unto him, and my whole family unto 
yourselfe." The second part was dedicated to the " admired Lady 
Aime, Countesse of Dorset, daughter to the right Honorable George, 
late Earle of Cumberland." Following the dedication of this second 
part, there came a rather striking address, " To the younger Gentry 
of England," and this was followed by a stiU further address " to 
the long-ear'd Reader." The address to the younger Gentry of 
England was perhaps one of the best pieces of writing which 
Stafford ever executed. It was an appeal to the younger men of 
his day to place before themselves a higher ideal, and act up to 
the position to which they had succeeded. There are a few striking 
sentences in it. In one he says " A Tailor cannot cut out nor make a 
Gentleman, unmake him he may." In another, he desires to admonish 

The Mysterious Dedication. 331 

these younger gentry, " whom God," says he, " hath placed above 
others that they should not descend below yourselves, and do things 
unworthy of man." In thi& phrase he addresses them, " Study not 
so much how to discourse with women as how to do like men. Glory 
no longer to be praised by women for jigging, jesting wits, but submit 
your spirits to the censure of that vast Virgin Europa. Do it. Gentle- 
men, O ! do it quickly, and fulfil the wish of Erasmus Angli ingeniosi 
utinam Idboriosi." He complains of their immorality, their folly and 
their extravagance, and in rebuldng someone who appears to have 
accused him of somewhat similar faults, says that he had vowed never 
to marry, " lest I should get such puppies as you are, and to be con- 
strained to drown the whole litter." 

It is, however, with the dedication of the second part that one is 
specially concerned. It is couched in terms of fulsome and almost 
abject flattery. In one phrase addressing Lady Anne, after expressing 
surprise at his " actually admiring a woman," he goes on to say, 
" I am astonish't. Madam, I am astonish't, and could find in my 
heart to pray you, and such as you are (if there be anie such) to desist 
from doing well, for I am afraide that (ere long) you will disable my 
sex, falsifie the Scriptures, and make Woman the stronger vessel." 
I give the whole of the dedication in the appendix, but the remark- 
able point about it is that it evidently so annoyed the great lady to 
whom it was addressed, that she adopted some sort of procedure by 
which it could be removed from the various printed copies before 
they reached the market. 

The copy of the book in the Bodleian Library '^ is declared by Dr. 
Madan, the then librarian, to have come to the library direct from 
the Stationers' Company, for, says he, " the whole book is carefully 
and honestly bound with all blank leaves. It came straight to us," 
he concludes, " from the Company, and was bound here by our own 
binders at once." Almost all, however, of the first two pages of the 
dedication, is missing in this Bodleian copy. One other copy contains 
a part of the dedication leaves. It is now in London, and for sale, 
but of the first page there are only about eight perfect words remaining 

I Its collation is i2ino. pp. [24] + 263 + [i.] + 42 + [6.] 

The prefatory matter is pp. [1-2.] blank [3] title [4] blank [5-12] Dedication [13-23] Younger 
gentry [24] blank. 

332 Lady Anne. 

and a few portions of other words, insufficient to have proved 
that the dedication was addressed to Lady Anne at all, while of the 
next page of this dedication about twenty more words only remain, 
aU the rest having been torn away. These are, however, the only 
two copies which I have been able to trace, and which contain any 
portion whatever of the first pages of the dedication. Both of them 
are fortunate, however, to have the bulk of the dedication left, that 
is to say, the six pages which follow the torn leaf. The British Museum 
copy, however, lacks the whole of the dedication, and it has evidently 
been very carefully removed from the volume before it was bound. 
The copy at BritweU Court was in the same condition, not a trace of 
the dedication remaining, while the same remark applies to at least 
six other copies of the book which have been traced, for in none of them 
is there the least evidence, so far as the book at present stands, that 
there ever was a group of dedication pages at all. But for the assist- 
ance kindly rendered by Mr. Huth, the owner of the library, and by 
Messrs. Sotheby & Co., it would have been impossible to supply the 
letterpress of the first leaf, for the only perfect copy that seems to 
have survived is the one that was in the Huth Ubrary, and which 
I have been permitted to examine and to photograph. 

It is clear, therefore, that Lady Anne was able to exercise some 
kind of influence, by which these objectionable dedication pages 
were removed from almost all the copies of the book, and that in the 
one or two instances where they were not actually taken out before 
binding, their first pages were so mutilated as to render it practically 
impossible to know that the book had been dedicated to her, or to 
read the first part of the dedication at all. By some fortunate cir- 
cumstance just the title of the dedication, saying to whom it was 
addressed, remain in the Bodleian copy, and by still more fortunate 
circumstances, one single copy of the book, with its dedication 
pages complete, passed into the possession of the Rev. G. Maskell, 
and eventually into the Huth Ubrary. But for the existence of this 
particular copy (which was described in the Huth catalogue) it is 
probable that it would have been forgotten long ago that the book 
was ever dedicated to Lady Anne at all. So skilfully have the pages 
been removed from the various copies which have been inspected, 
that no one who was unaware of the history of the book would have 

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(see page 320). 

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(see page 319). 

C. G. Hari'^PIioto. 

The Mysterious Dedication. 333 

suspected that there ever were several pages of dedication preceding 
the two addresses to which reference has been made. 

Milton is said to have been acquainted with the book, to have read 
it, and to have made some rather remote allusion to it, but I have 
failed to identify this allitsion, and Milton's great biographer, Professor 
Masson, does not aUude to Stafford's work. Inasmuch as he appears 
to have referred to almost every book which was definitely known to 
have been consulted by Milton, it is possible that the statement 
just made may be based upon error. On the other hand, Niobe 
is just the sort of book which would have interested Milton, and to 
which he would have very likely made allusion, and it is possible 
that Professor Masson, indefatigable student as he was, may have 
omitted to notice the book, and perhaps was unaware of its very 




WE learn so much about Lady Anne and her people from the 
great picture which covers the end wall of the entrance haU 
at Appleby Castle, that it is fitting that one chapter of this 
book should be devoted to the consideration of this extraordinary 
work. It may first be stated that there were two copies of the picture 
in existence, and that one has always remained at Appleby, while 
the other was at Skipton. Which of the two was first painted cannot 
now be ascertained. The Skipton one was allowed to get into such 
a bad condition that only the central panel could be removed to 
Hothfield, where it now hangs, but the two side panels were destroyed, 
for they were in such a state of decay, that nothing but complete 
destruction could be their fate. As far as can be ascertained, the 
central panels of the two pictures correspond, save that on the prayer 
book held by the Countess of Cumberland are the words, on the 
Hothfield picture, " The Psalms of David," and these words do not 
appear in the central panel of the Appleby picture, although there 
are indistinct traces on the book as though there had originally been an 
inscription of some kind upon it. It is just possible that this may 
prove the Hothfield picture to be the original, and that at Appleby 
the copy, but in all other respects, the two pictures appear to be 
identical.^ It is strange that there should be no reference in Lady 

^ In 1835 G. P. Harding appears to have gone to Skipton and made acareful water-colour 
drawing from the picture, with a view, probably, to its being reproduced as an engraving. 
He made many such water-colour drawings, and they were used in books of engraved portraits 
that were issued about that time. This water-colour, signed by Harding and dated, is still 
in existence, and has been lent to me by its present owner Mr. S. Christie Miller of Britwell 
Court, Burnham. Its peculiar importance consists in the fact that it is the only existing copy 
of the two missing side wings which were destroyed, but it has another interest, in the fact 
that four of the inscriptions which appear on the great picture at Appleby have been omitted 

The Great Picture. 335 

Anne's diary to these pictures. She was so punctilious in referring 
to everything that she did which seemed to her to be of importance, 
that one naturally expected to find a considerable space devoted to 
the history of these two pictures.^ On the contrary, there is not one 
single word about them. She may perhaps have thought that, with 
their very long and elaborate inscriptions, they would speak for 

On the central panel appears the statement that the eight pictures 
contained in the frame were " copies drawen out of the Original! 
pictures of these Honourable personages, made by them, about the 
begening of June, 1589, and weare thus finished by the appointment 
of Anne CUfford, Countess of Pembrooke, in memoriall of them in 
1646." The inscription also states that when these originals were 
drawn Lord and Lady Cum.berland and their two sons were sta5nng 
with Lord Wharton " in Channell Row in Westminster." It is evident 
from this statement that the pictures were composite works, and that 
the persons represented in them did not sit to the artist for their 
portraits. There were many painters at that period who were in the 
habit of making such composition or furniture pictures, as they were 
sometimes called, and Dr. Lionel Cust, His Majesty's Surveyor of 
Pictures, makes the happy suggestion that these great compositions 
were either the work of John van Belcamp or of Remigius van Lemput. 
The former painter was employed under Vahderdort as a copier, and 
Walpole gives us a list of very many portraits which he copied, 

by Harding in his representation of the central panel, and on comparing the photograph 
of the Appleby picture with the central panel now hanging at Hothfield, it is found that Harding 
was quite right in liis copy, and that there are four inscriptions which appear on the Appleby 
picture which are not on the one at Hothfield. Furthermore, the detail, notably in the column 
of the archway of the Hothfield picture, is more elaborate than in the Appleby one, and this 
fact Harding sets forth clearly. In other respects, the two pictures were probably identical, 
but if Harding's copy is to be trusted, the Skipton (now Hothfield) picture must have been 
inferior in many respects to the one at Appleby, as his copy of the two missing side panels 
proves them to be far inferior in workmanship and in detail to the two existing side panels 
which remain at Appleby. Harding did not copy the frame of the picture, and he makes 
certain additions, in the way of inscriptions and numbers, which he places over some of the 
inset portraits, in order to explain his own allusions to them, which are to be found in his own 
handwriting at the back of the water-colour copy. The copy is one of remarkable skill, and 
considering the complexity and difficulties of copying such an elaborate work, is of extraordinary 
excellence. It is only 26i by rsJ wide, and is painted upon cardboard.* 

* It was bought by Mr. W. Christie at Harding's sale at Christie's in 1853 for £21 los. od. 

2 It must, of course, be remembered that it was commenced by her parents and when she 
was only a child, although she completed the task. 

336 Lady Anne. 

especially of remarkable persons in the reigns of Henry VIII., Elizabeth, 
James I. and Charles I. Belcamp was one of the trustees of the sale 
of the King's goods in 1649, ^"^ the directions for the sale in 1650, 
Walpole says, were witnessed by him. He states that it is believed 
that Belcamp died about 1653. The other painter, van Lemput, 
was born at Antwerp, and was especially clever in copying the works 
of Vandyck, but Walpole tells us that he also copied pictures by 
Holbein, Raphael and other painters, and adds that van Lemput 
died in November, 1675, and was buried in the churchyard of Covent 
Garden, leaving behind him a daughter who was also an artist, and 
who had married Thomas, the brother of Robert Streater, who was 
also a copyist, but who was especially known as a ceiling painter. 
It seems to be likely that these pictures were the work of one or other 
of these three artists, and of the three, Belcamp is the most likely. 
There is a curious proof that the picture was not an original work, 
when one examines the face of Lady Anne herself in the left panel, 
representing her when she was a child. Comparing the portrait with 
those which were certainly ad vivum portraits, it is quite clear that the 
likeness which appears in the great picture at Appleby, is not a true 
one. It has certain resemblances to the early miniature of Lady Anne 
paiuted by David des Granges, now in the possession of Lord de 
Clifford, and to the oil painting of the same lady which hangs at 
Appleby, but the portrait of the girl in the big Appleby picture repre- 
sents her with an ordinary, conventional, somewhat wooden type of 
countenance, and the pearls which are scattered over her headdress 
are clearly an invention of the painter, and not those which she was 
in the habit of wearing, as in all her own true portraits, a string of 
pearls (to which reference is made later on) is seen adorning her head- 
dress, and not the odd detached pearls which the painter has introduced 
perhaps from a casual glance at the actual portrait. The costume 
in which Lady Anne is represented in the Appleby portrait is also not 
that of the period when she was fifteen, and is clearly an adaptation 
from a picture painted by Marcus Gheerardts. It has all the character- 
istics of that artist's work. On the other hand it is quite possible 
that the portrait of Lady Anne on the right panel might have been 
taken from life, although even that is doubtful, but there is a much 
closer resemblance between that portrait and the accepted and 

The Great Picture. 337 

accredited portraits of the old lady, than between the juvenile portrait 
at the other end of the picture, and those which are known to represent 
Lady Anne as a girl. The drawing of the dog and the cat and many 
of the accessories in the picture, all reveal the hand of a painter of 
portraits who was accustomed to composing pictures from other 
portraits, and do not indicate a skilful portrait painter who painted 
from life. Notwithstanding all these statements, the picture remains 
as the most important and authentic record of Lady Anne and her 
family, although its value rests more upon the inscriptions which it 
contains than upon the actual portraits in it. 

It is, however, time for me to describe the picture, and to 
deal with one of the questions which have been raised concerning 
the representation in it of the Earl of Cumberland. The central 
panel represents, in stiff and formal manner, George Earl of Cumber- 
land (1558-1605), his wife Margaret (1560-1616), and their two children 
who died in infancy. Lady Cumberland is depicted in a dark green 
over-dress with a paler green under-dress embroidered in gold, and 
adorned with a double row of buttons, each apparently formed of 
five emeralds and four pearls. She is wearing upon her neck a double 
or triple row of what were probably imitation pearls as ornaments, 
she has a large ruff, and inside it, close to her neck, is another rowjpof 

Her husband is in armour, and wears a velvet coat with a red and 
yellow shot effect over the armour, crossed by a blue silk ribbon, 
which supports the sash to which is fastened the scabbard of the sword. 
It has been stated that the date (1589) for the original portrait from 
which this was painted must be an error, inasmuch as Lord Cumberland 
in the big composition is said to be wearing the ribbon of the Garter, 
and he was not made a Knight of the Garter until 1592, four years 
after the original picture was painted. The blue sash which crosses 
his breast, is not, however, the ribbon of the Garter. The ribbon of 
that Order is represented in the small portrait of Lord Pembroke 
which appears in the right wing, and is worn, as was the habit in those 
days, double, in a V shape, in front. The blue sash thought by 
Whitaker to be the ribbon of the Garter is clearly an ornamental 
support for the sword belt. At a later date, however, someone has 
painted on to this portrait a representation of the Garter itself. It is 

338 Lady Anne. 

clear that this is an addition to the original painting, as the details 
of the armour over which it is worn can be seen underneath the painting 
of the Garter, and it is therefore probable that the composition was 
brought up to date in 1592, when Lord Cumberland was installed 
as K.G., by this addition being painted on to it. 

The armour worn by Lord Cumberland is alluded to in the Appendix. 

By the side of Lord and Lady Cumberland are the two children, 
Francis {1584-1589) and Robert (1585-1591), successively Lords Clifford, 
both of them dressed in green, embroidered with gold, and having 
yellow sleeves, and long pendent handkerchiefs fringed with lace 
suspended from their belts. The younger boy carries a white ostrich 
feather trimmed hat in his hand. They wear similar jewels composed 
of four red stones and a pearl. They are bare-headed, and by the 
side of the elder one is a shield-shaped scroll of parchment, on which 
appears one of the longest and most elaborate of the inscriptions. 
The details of these inscriptions are given in full in the appendix to 
this book. Ralph Thoresby copied the inscriptions in 1684. In his 
diary ^ under date 9 June of that year, he says that he " rid to Skipton 
where for six hours he was hard at work, transcribing the pedigrees 
of the ancient and noble family of the Cliffords, Earls of Cumberland, 
with others they married into, from the inscriptions upon the folding 
pictures in the Castle." We are surprised that he was even able to 
copy the long and elaborate inscriptions in so short a space as six 
hours I 

It does not follow that these inscriptions were painted by the artist 
who was responsible for the picture. He may have left the necessary 
space, and another man, more accustomed to lettering, a sort of scribe, 
may have written in the inscriptions. By whoever they were done, 
they constitute a tour de force. Every word is readable and distinct. 
The inscriptions are of great length, and adorn not only the panels 
themselves but also the smaller pictures which appear in these panels, 
and are furthermore to be found on the two margins of the larger 
picture, underneath all the coats of arms of the different families 
connected with the Cliffords. Every heraldic achievement has its 
own separate and lengthy inscription, giving in most cases the dates 

'Thoresby Diary, vol. ii, p. 433. 

The Great Picture. 339 

concerning the person whose arms are depicted, and information 
respecting his wife and his children. 

To return now to the description of the centre panel. Rather 
above the head of the Countess is represented a little shelf on which 
are three books, all foMos, one being the Bible, another the works of 
Seneca* and the third, a manuscript book of a medicinal character, 
dealing with Alchemy, distillations and Electuaries.^ A little to the 
left of the head of the Earl is his coat of arms with full quarterings, 
encircled by the Garter, and surmounted by an Earl's coronet, above 
which is the very long inscription concerning him and his wife, sur- 
mounted by the family crests of Russell and CUfford. Above the 
bookshelf bearing the three volumes are two other portraits, one 
representing Anne, Countess of Warwick (1548-1604), which is rather 
to the left, with the arms of Dudley impaling Warwick, and the other 
Elizabeth, Countess of Bath (1558-1605), almost immediately above 
the head of the Coimtess of Cum.berland, with the arms of Bourchier 
impaJing Russell. Each of these has its own separate inscription, 
Lady Warwick being described as the eldest daughter of the second 
Earl of Bedford, bom at Chenies, and Lady Bath as the sixth child 
of the same earl, bom at Moor Park. The three ladies. Lady Warwick, 
Lady Bath, and Lady CiTmberland, are stated in the inscription, to 
have been " the three sisters of the greatest renown, for honour and 
goodness, of any three sisters that Uved in theire tjnne in this kingdom." 

Above the portrait of Robert, Lord Clifford, are two other small 
pictures, the uppermost representing Lady Wharton (1556-1592), 
and the lower one. Lady Mairgaret CUfford, Countess of Derby (1540- 
1596). They also, Hke the other two pictures, have their separate 
inscriptions, each is represented as enclosed in a gold frame, and upon 
the upper left comer of each picture is the owner's coat of arms, the 
only difference being that in the portrait of the Countess of Derby 
there are two shields of arms, instead of one, Brandon impaling the 
Royal coat and Stanley impaling CUfford quartering Vipont. The 
inscriptions state that Lady Wharton, whose coat is Wharton impaling 
CUfford quartering Vipont, was Lady Frances CUfford, the sister of 

'Thomas Lodge's Translation, 1614. Folio, Engr. Frontispiece by Hole; Printed by 
' Possibly the veiry book now at Appleby which I found at Skipton in the Muniment Room, 


Lady Anne. 

the Earl of Cumberland, and it gives the details concerning her husband 
and her children, and refers to her as " a woeman of great witt and 
much esteemed for virtue." 

Lady Margaret Clifford, Countess of Derby, is described as being 
the eldest child of the second Earl of Cumberland by his first wife, 
Eleanor Brandon, the only child of her mother " that lived any tyme." 
She was married to Lord Strange, afterwards Earl of Derby, was 
his wife for thirty-eight years, and his widow for three years, and by 
him the mother of two successive Earls of Derby. The inscription 
tells us finally that she was " virtuous, noble and kind-harted, full 
of goodness, a deere lover of hir brother by the halfeblood, George, 
Earle of Cumberland, and his worthy wife and theire children." 
Both ladies are in black with white sleeves and Lady Derby wears a 
rich chain around her neck supporting a miniature portrait. 

It is from the shield-shaped scroll held by Francis, Lord Clifford, 
and from the third and lowermost inscription upon it, that we learn 
that the picture was drawn from original portraits, and that it was 
made in 1646. 

Around the right and left margins in this great central panel, are a 
series of thirty-four coats of arms, each with its separate inscription, 
telling the whole history of the Clifford family, from the time of Robert 
de Veteripont of the reign of King John, down to, on one side, the 
marriage of Lady Anne to the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, 
and on the other side, to the marriage of her two daughters to the 
Earls of Thanet and Northampton respectively. 

In addition to these rows, there are two other small inscriptions, also 
dealing with the pedigrees, one close to the head of Robert, Lord Clifford 
and the other near the gauntlets and sword point of the Earl of Cum- 

The left picture represents Lady Anne Clifford when a girl, and is 
the panel to which already some reference has been made. She is 
depicted in a greenish satin dress with long peaked body and tight 
slashed sleeves, the skirt embroidered down the front and along the 
bottom edge, as also are the body and sleeves, with a floral decoration 
composed of red roses and pinks, and greenish-blue cornflowers with 
red centres, the decoration at the front of the skirt being in four rows. 
She has a long gold chain enriched with jewels looped about the neck. 

The Great Picture. 341 

Close by her is a table covered with a scarlet cloth with gold lace and 
fringe, and upon it is a piece of embroidery, upon which she has been 
apparently working, composed of some green ornaments and pink 
and green sundew flowers. On the table are also the appliances for 
her embroidery, an open music book, and an hour glass, while leaning 
against the table supported by the table-cloth, is what has been 
described as a lute and also as a theorbo, but which is certainly neither 
of these instruments, but a viola da gamba, the leg, or gamba, of 
which is clearly to be seen. On the floor at her right side, are four 
books with their titles, Camden's " Britannia," ' " Maps of the World," 
by Abraham Ortelius,' Cornelius Agrippa on the Vanity of Science,* 
and " Don Quixote," * while against these books rests a pair of 
dividers. Just above the hour-glass on the table are the arms of 
Lady Anne in a diamond, quarterly Clifford and Vipont, and above 
that, is suspended an antique shield, from which hangs by a ring and 
staple the coat of arms just referred to, on which is an exceedingly 
lengthy inscription, dealing with the whole history of Lady Anne, 
down to the time of her widowhood, and interspersed, as was customary 
with her inscriptions, with references to many texts in the Bible. 
Here is the only instance in the picture in which there is any vacant 
space left for a continuation of the inscription, although there appears 
a somewhat similar space in the shield held by Francis Lord Clifford, 
but that has been filled up by a scroll ornament. In the one in Lady 
Anne's own portrait, there is a distinct space left, in which it was no 
doubt intended some day to fill in some further details concerning the 
last years of her life. Near to this shield, which is suspended by a 
ribbon from an iron pin, are neatly arranged iipon two shelves sup- 
ported by iron brackets, the various books which formed the young 
lady's Ubrary, each book carefully inscribed with its name. On the 
lower shelf, there are four books standing up, three volumes of the 
French Academy,^" and one of the Courtier by Baldassare Castiglione.^^ 

* Edition 1578 or perhaps 1600 or 1607. 

' Theatre of the Whole World, by Abraham Ortelius, tr. M. Coignet, 1603. Ob. 8vo., printed 
by Shawe. 

* The Vanity of the Arts and Sciences, tr. J. Sandford, 1575 ; 4to. 
' Probably 1612 edit. Translated by Shelton, 4to. 

i* By Peter de La Primaudaye. Bishop's ed. 1589 or i6oz. 
^^ CastigUone; Thos. Hoby, tr. 1561 ; 4to. 

^42 Lady Ann^. 

Near them are other vohimes lying on their sides, entitled " Godfrey 
of Boloigne," ^^ " The Variety of Things," by Loys de Roy," " The 
Chronicle of England in prose,'' by Daniel,^* who is styled, in the 
title, " Tutour to the young lady," Montaigne's Essays, i* and Gerard's 
Herbal.^' On the shelf above, there appear first, from the left, three 
books l5^ng on their sides, Sidney's " Arcadia," " Spenser's ^^ works, 
and Ovid's " Metamorphoses," ^' Then we come to four stately 
folios standing upright, and handsomely bound. They are the Bible, 
St. Augustine's " Cittie of God," ^o Eusebius's ^i " History of the 
Church," and all the works of Dr. J. Hall.^^ Upon these four folios 
lie, on their side, three more books. The Manual of Epictetus,^' The 
Philosophical Comfort of Boetius,^* and all the works in verse of Daniell 
again styled " Tutour to this young lady." Then, to the right, on 
the shelf, are three other folios, l3dng on their sides, Downham's 
" Christian Warfare," ^^ the works of Du Bartas,^* and the works 
of Chaucer.^' Above the books are two portraits in plain black 
frames, very different from the elaborate gold frames to which reference 
has been made in the centre panel. These two pictures represent 
Lady Anne's tutor and governess. One is of Samuel Daniel, the 
poet (1563-1619) in a black dress with a high linen collar, his portrait 
being to the left, and the other Mrs. Anne Taylour, in a black gown, 
with large failing linen collar, and a close black cap tied under her 
chin. To both these pictures there are inscriptions, stating who 
the two persons were, and referring to the death and burial of Daniell. 

^^ Probably Caxton's edit. 1481. Folio. 

^ Louis Le Roy, Variete des Choses tr. R. Ashley, 1594. 

" History of England, by S. Daniel, 1612 and 1617. 

^5 Tr. by John Florio, 1603 or 1613. Folio, with portrait of Florio. 

18 1633 edition probably, or 1636. Folio. Enlarged by G. Johnson. 

" Editions in 1593-1598. Folio ; printed by Waterson & Young. 

" Probably 1609 or 1611 editions ; folio. 

1' Sandys' translation 1626 or 1632. Sandys was godson to George, Lord Cumberland her 
father ; or possibly Golding's translation, Black Letter, 1565. 

soTr. by J. H[ealy] 1610 and 1620; foUo, dedicated to Lord Pembroke, Lord Arundel 
and Lord Montgomery. 

'^ Hammer's translation 1577 or 1619. Folio. 

22 Editions in 1621, 1628 and 1634. Probably 1621. Folio— 21 parts with title by Elstrack. 

25 The Manual, tr. J. Healey, 1616. Printed by Purslowe ; i2mo. 

^ De ConsoUUione Philosophia, 1556 or Caxton 1477. Folio. 

^ John Downham's Christian Warfare, 1612 or 1634. 4to. ; printed by Kyngston. 

28 Divine Weekes and Worhes of Du, Bartas, 1605-6 or 1611, tr. by J. Sylvester, 4to. 

2' Bishop's edition, 1602 or possibly Stowes edition, 1561. Folio, black letter. 

The Great Picture. 343 

To him, by the way, Lady Anne erected a memorial in the church 
of Beckington, which will be alluded to later on. 

The right picture represents Lady Anne when Countess Dowager 
of Pembroke and Montgomery, a stately, but mascuUne figure, dressed 
in a black satin gown with loose sleeves, slashed and turned back with 
white, and edged with rich lace. She wears a large faUing collar, double- 
edged with lace, and a pearl drop at her neck, a double row of what are 
probably imitation pearls as a necklace, and a twisted double row of 
pearls, probably of the same character forming a girdle. Her hair is in 
ringlets, and over it is a black veil. Lady Anne rests her right hand 
upon two books, which are upon a table, and are inscribed " Charron's 
Book of Wisdom, translated out of French into English," ^* and the 
Holy Bible ; on the thumb of her hand is a ring. Underneath the 
two books is a long parchment scroll, on which is the lengthy inscription 
giving the details concerning her hfe when Countess Dowager of Dorset. 
The table is covered with a richly embroidered cloth with gold fringe. 
On the floor, close against the fringe of the table cloth, lies a black 
cat facing to the front, and to this animal reference will be found in 
the chapter dealing with the household accounts. Jumping up 
towards the Countess's left hand is a little white ItaUan greyhound, 
the fashionable dog of the period, known both then and now as a 
whippet, and probably one of the breed in this class of dog which was 
exceedingly popular in those days, and is still popular in the counties 
of Westmoreland and Cumberland. High up above the Countess's 
head are two shelves of books, arranged in curious disorder. The 
shelves are supported by iron brackets, and below them is represented, 
in somewhat feeble fashion, a rich curtain with embroidery, and its 
cord and tassels. The painting of this accessory is the least satisfactory 
part of the picture. On the lowermost of the two shelves appear 
George Strode's ^^ " Booke of Death," Plutarch's Lives '« and Plut- 
arch's Morals. " An Apology for the Providence and Power of God,"'^ 
by Hakiwell ; Gurcherdine's French History,'^ the works of Sir Fulke 

^ By Pierre Charron, tr. S. Lennard, 1615 ; 410. 
^ Geo. Strode's Anatomy of Mortality, 1618, 4to. 

30 Editions in 1603, 1612 and 1631 and of tlie 3 Moral Treatises in 1580 ; 8vo. 
'"■Apology of the Power of God, Geo. Hakewill, 1627 ; folio. 

*^ Francesco Guicciardini, translated by G. Fenton, 1579 or 1599. Folio, or in French 
1568, folio. 

344 Lady Anne. 

Greville,'^ and Sir Henry Wotton's Booke of Architecture,^* this 
last being the only one of the volumes depicted in the picture that 
has come down to the present day. It is still preserved in the Ubrary 
at Appleby. On the upper shelf, tumbled about, are other books, 
George Sandys' translation of the Psalms '^ in verse, Philip de Comines 
in English,^® More's Map of Mortality,^' Benjamin [sic] Jonson's 
works,^^ Donne's Poems,** Hy. Cuffe's "Ages of Man's Life," *" George 
Herbert's Poems,*^ John Barclay's Argenis,*^ " The Meditations of 
Antoninus " *' and the Meditations of WiUiam Austin,** Donne's 
Sermons,*^ and King's Sermons** and a Roman history translated*' 
into EngUsh by Philemon Holland. Near to these, and on the spec- 
tator's left, are portraits of Lady Anne's two husbands, represented 
enclosed in gilt frames of rich and elaborate character. The upper, 
nearest to the books, is the portrait of Richard, Earl of Dorset, sur- 
mounted by a shield of the arms of Sackville within the Garter, sur- 
mounted with a coronet, while on the other side of the portrait are 
two other shields, each with an Earl's coronet, one of Sackville impaling 
Howard, the other of Sackville impaling Clifford and Vipont quarterly. 
Lord Dorset is represented in yellow velvet, with a rich gold band 
crossing his breast, and he wears an elaborate lace collar. Underneath 
this picture, on a tablet, is the inscription giving his history, speaking 
about his parentage, his wife, his children, his travels, and his decease, 
and ending by stating that he was " by nature of a just minde, sweet 
disposition, and very valiant in his own person," and that he " attained 
to be a great scholar for his ranke " when he was at Oxford. It goes 
on to tell us that he was " so bountiful to souldiers, schoUers, and 

33 Published in 1633. In folio. Certain Learned and Elegant [Poetical] Workes. Printed 
by E.P. ; or perhaps The Five Yeares of King James, 1643. 
** Published in 1624 : The Element of Architecture, 4to. Printed by Bill. 
35 Geo. Sandys' Paraphrase upon the Psalms, 1636. Sm. 8vo. ; printed at the Bell. 
38 His History, 1596 and 1614. Folio — or if in French, black letter edit., 1539. 
" Perhaps R.B.'s Map or possibly Henry More on the Immortality of the Soul. 
3" Ben Jonson's Works 1616, sm. folio. Printed by Will Stansby ; Title page by Hole. 
3' Donne's Sermons, 1622-1634-1640, and Poems, 1633 ; 4to. and i2mo. 
*" Differences of the Ages of Man's Life, 1607 and 1633 ; 8vo. 
" The Temple, 1631 or 2, i8mo ; 1633, i2mo. 
*^ Translation by K. Long, 1625. Folio. 
^3 Casaubon's translation, 1635 ; 4to. — a very popular book. 

*» Devotionis Flamma 1635. Certaine devout, early and learned Meditations ; folio. 
'^ See 39 10 Published in 1606, 4to. 

" Ammiamts Marcellinus, tr. by Philemon Holland, 1609. Folio. 

The Great Picture. 345 

others which were in distress, that therby he much empaired his 
Estate," that he was " a zealous Patriot to this Kingdome," that he 
was the only builder and one of the chief founders of the hospital 
" at East Grinsted," and " truly religious in his latter tymes." Below 
that portrait Lord Pembroke is also represented in a gold frame, 
but wearing the blue ribbon of the Garter supporting the George, and 
having the cloak of the order thrown over his arm. He has long 
fair hair, and wears an elaborate lace collar. This picture is not 
surmounted by the coat of arms, as was the other one, but has two 
similar shields in it, one on either side of the head, each surrounded 
by the Garter and surmounted by the coronet. One of them is 
Herbert impaling Vere, the other Herbert impaling Clifford and 
Vipont quarterly. That picture also has its tablet with a lengthy 
inscription, giving the history and parentage of Lord Pembroke, the 
statement about his first wife and his children, and coming down to 
his marriage in Chenies church to Lady Anne, after she had been 
a widow for six years, two months and six days, and he a widower 
for one year, four months and three days. 

The great picture itself measures 8 feet, 4 inches high, exclusive 
of the frame, each end being three feet ten broad. The frame goes 
round the middle part entirely, and also separately round each of the 
two sides, the two smaller pictures being hinged, so that they fold 
over the centre picture as a triptych. The frame is adorned with 
fleurs-de-lis, harps, Tudor roses, and the picture as a document, giving 
full and elaborate information which concerns the whole family, has 
an importance which can hardly be surpassed. 

The volumes in the picture were evidently represented from 
the actual books, and in many cases (as mentioned in the notes) 
it is not difficult to identify the actual edition that Lady Anne miost 
have possessed, by reason of the size in which it is represented. 
It has been of some interest to prove that it was possible for her to 
have had copies of each book illustrated in the picture, at the time 
when the painting was executed. The artist has been, as a rule, 
successful in denoting whether the book was in octavo or in folio, 
and, although his rendering of the types is at times somewhat extra- 
ordinary, it has been possible to identify every book so delineated. 




HAVING set out a study of the character of Lady Anne, and 
dealt with the great family picture, it remains now to examine 
her other portraits and decide whether they represent in 
adequate fashion a person of such marked characteristics. 

The earliest with which I am acquainted is the signed miniature 
painted when she was a girl of about fifteen, by David des Granges, 
now belonging to Lord de Clifford, and preserved in the custody of 
his mother, Mrs. Arthur Stock. It bears a marked resemblance to 
the portrait of Lady Anne as a young girl, hanging at Appleby 
Castle, and both of them give evidence that the portrait in the large 
picture, as already mentioned, was not taken from life, but was the 
work of a picture-maker, and drawn from other portraits. The 
miniature by David des Granges represents her as a quiet, placid- 
looking child, but with determination clearly marked both in the lips 
and in the eyes. She is, in my opinion, distinctly yoimger in this 
miniature than in the portrait at Appleby. The miniature may 
perhaps represents her at fifteen, the portrait, say, at eighteen. The 
arrangement of the drapery is not identical. In the miniature she 
wears a costume exceedingly plainly cut, composed of some brocaded 
material, with a narrow formal border of embroidery. In the larger 
oil painting at Appleby, the costume is of silk, arranged in rich folds, 
and fastened in the front by a square brooch. The oil painting bears 
an inscription stating that it is a portrait of Lady Anne Clifford, and 
also has upon it her shield of arms in a diamond, Clifford quartering 
Vipont. There is one remarkable feature about these two portraits. 
They show, fastened about her headdress, a string of pearls, having 
in its centre a large round-shaped pearl of somewhat unusual character. 

The Mimaluycs and Jewels belong lo Lord de Clifjoiul 

To face page 346. 

Gray — Photo. 


}y\' David De^ Granger, Signed 

(^ee pasc 346). 

Gray — I'hoio 
by an unknown arli^l 
(see page 340). 

Gray — PItoto. 
(see page 347)- 

Onil — J'h,:lo 
at Appleliy Castle (5ee page 346). 

To face paf;e 347. 

Jukes — Pholo. 

Part of the great family group by 

Vaiidylie at Wilton 

(see page 34.)). 

bequeatlied Ijy Lady Anne to 
lier grandson, by her will, 
March ist, 1674. 

Jukes — Pholo. 
See below 
(see page 469). 

Jukes — Photo. 
from an Oil Portrait at Wilton, by Dobson 
(see page 349). 

The Portraits of Lady Anne. 347 

They ako both of them depict her as wearing pearl earrings, pear- 
shaped. It is interesting to be able to record that the pearls which 
she wears about her hair are still in existence. They have been 
handed down direct from her in the female line, and came to their 
present possessors with the title of Clifford or De Clifford. This 
famous necklace and the pair of beautiful earrings, perhaps as import- 
ant as any pearl jewelry in England, are the property of Lord de 
Clifford, and worn by his mother, Mrs. Stock. Unluckily, the necklace 
has been lengthened by having added to it another pearl necklace,^ 
also belonging to the family, but which has no particular historic 

Furthermore, there is attached to this necklace a large round-shaped 
pearl, with its original mount, forming a pendant which is, I am 
inclined to beUeve, of even greater importance then the necklace 
itself. It has always been a tradition in the family that Henry VIII. 
gave to his sister's child. Lady Eleanor Brandon, a pearl, as a wedding 
present, and in more than one of her portraits there appears a large 
circular pearl identical in shape and character with the one on this 
necklace. Moreover, there is upon the pearl in the necklace a 
curious pear-shaped blemish, and I believe that I can identify that 
very blemish upon a pearl pendant illustrated in more than one 
picture, not only those of Eleanor Brandon, Countess of Cumberland, 
but also in those of Lady Anne's mother, Margaret, Countess of Cum- 
berland, while the same blemish is to be traced in one of Lady Anne's 
portraits, where she is represented wearing the pearl. 

It is indeed bold to differ from Dr. Lionel Cust with regard to jiny 
picture. His knowledge of portraiture is so overwhelming that one 
hesitates to hold an opposite opinion. I am, however, venturing 
to do so with regard to one picture. In the possession of Captain 
Bruce C. Vernon Wentworth of Wentworth, is a picture which was 

^I have been permitted to photograph it, and to turn over out of sight, the additional 
necklace, the pearls of which can be clearly distinguished from the older ones, in order to 
show only the pearls which belonged to Lady Anne. The smaller pearls, which are between 
each of the larger ones, are also in all probability an addition to the original necklace, but 
there is little doubt that the pearls of the necklace, and those forming the earrings were those 
actually worn by Lady Anne, and in consequence, they form a precious treasure connected 
with her. To the earrings, which have their original mounts, certain diamonds have been 
attached, but here again I have been allowed to remove from the photograph these modem 
stones, and show only the pearl earrings. 

348 Lady Anne. 

exhibited at South Kensington in 1866 (198), and at the Tudor Exhibi- 
tion in 1890 (455, page 136), and then attributed to Lucas de Heere 
It is by the artist known as Hans Eworth h-E, concerning whom 
Dr. Cust has written an illuminating article, illustrating this very 
portrait.^ He states that the portrait has always been described and 
exhibited as that of Lady Eleanor Brandon, the younger daughter 
of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and Princess Mary Tudor. She 
was married in 1537, at Brandon House, Bridewell, to Henry Cliiiord, 
second Earl of Cumberland, but the portrait has on it an inscription 
" AETATis — X — Lxv(?) " and he goes on to say that, as she died in 
1547, the picture " cannot represent " her. On the opposite side of 
the picture to the inscription (which is not very clear and is incomplete, 
because the panel has been cut down) is a coat of arms under an Earl's 
coronet, which Dr. Cust says " appears to be original," and " denotes 
a Clifford of Brandon descent." Having stated that the picture does 
not represent, in his opinion, the Countess of Cumberland, Dr. Cust 
goes on to suggest that it may be that of " Eleanor's only child and 
heiress, Margaret Clifford, wife of Lord Strange," but in this suggestion 
he surely overlooks the fact that the coat of arms, which he says is 
original, is surmounted by an Earl's coronet. The arms are un- 
doubtedly those of a Clifford of Brandon descent. In the first 
quarter are the arms of Clifford, Roos, Bromflete, and Atton, in 
another the arms of Dacre, Clifford, Fitzpeter and Bromflete, in a third 
the arms of Vescy quartered with a coat which I cannot identify, 
and there are also the arms of Vipont, and of St. John. These are 
all in addition to the Brandon arms, and to me it is inconceivable, if 
the coat or arms is original, that the picture can represent any other 
person than Eleanor Brandon, Countess of Cumberland. Moreover, 
the lady holds in her left hand a black ribbon, from which is suspended 
a carved locket, having below it a pendent pearl, and this pearl I 
believe to be the same that can be seen on Lady Anne's headdress, 
and now in the possession of Lord de Clifford. I believe also 
that the same gem can be identified on a picture of the Countess of 
Cumberland, which was exhibited at the Tudor Exhibition in 1890 
by Mr. John Leveson-Gower (No. 445, page 133). 
Of Lady Anne diiring the time that she was Countess of Dorset, 

' See Walpole Society Annual, vol. ii, p. 34, plate Ixiia. 

The Portraits of Lady Anne. 349 

we have a three-quarter length figure to the right, holding a rose, 
painted by Mytens, which was engraved for the folio edition of Lodge's 
portraits, and has often been reproduced. The original portrait is 
at Knole. 

I am also inclined to attribute to this time of her life another 
miniature belonging to Lord de Clifford, which was the work of one 
of the OUvers, probably of Peter. As a portrait it cannot be regarded 
as of great importance, as a decorative work of art it is of considerable 
beauty. The face is so free from modelling and shadows as to be 
almost uninteresting. The eyes clearly resemble those in the early 
portrait by David de Granges, the mouth is the same, and the face 
is very youthful. It is inconceivable to me that this portrait can 
represent Lady Anne at any other period of her life than quite early 
in her first married career, as Countess of Dorset. Her hair is long, 
and flows in loose fashion over each shoulder. The portrait is sur- 
mounted by an Earl's coronet. She is wearing a very rich costume, 
adorned at the neck and sleeves with magnificent lace. She does 
not wear her pearl necklace and earrings, but a necklace and earrings 
and a hair ornament, apparently all en suite, and of diamonds. Judg- 
ing from the richness of her costume, and from the fact that her hair 
is loose, she may perchance have had the miniature painted when she 
was about to take part in one of the masques to which reference has 
already been made. 

She appears of course in the great Vandyck picture of the famUy 
group of Lord and Lady Pembroke and their children, which occupies 
the end of the double cube room at Wilton House. In this picture 
she is seated with her hands folded and crossed. She wears a pearl 
necklace round her neck, and earrings, but no pearl ornament over 
her hair. She is dignified in appearance, not perhaps quite so deter- 
mined as she appears in later pictures, but a woman of noble presence 
and grave countenance. Vandyck has cleverly arranged, in repre- 
senting her seated, to avoid drawing attention to her short stature. 
There is another portrait of her at Wilton, simpler in form, just a head 
and shoulders, painted by Dobson. It had been forgotten for many 
years, and was not included in the great catalogue of the Wilton 
pictures, but was found in an upstairs room, and has recently been 
restored to a place of importance on the staircase. It bears a long 

350 Lady Anne. 

inscription, stating that it represents Lady Anne, and the likeness 
to that in the great Vandyck is quite unmistakeable, although the 
portrait depicts her more cheerful in appearance, and not quite so 
stiff and formal as she is in the larger work. In both these portraits 
she wears her hair in ringlets falling on to each shoulder, in each of 
them she has a pearl necklace, and in the one by Dobson she has 
suspended from the front of the corsage a miniature of Lord Pembroke. 
As she is in a black dress, it is possible that this portrait may have been 
painted immediately after Lord Pembroke's decease. 

She is represented in gayer costume in the large oval oil painting 
at Appleby. There, she wears a rich gown, ornamented with a double 
chain of what were, in all probability, imitation pearls, similar to 
those worn by her mother in the pictures at the National Portrait 
Gallery and at Gorhambury, and also in the large triptych. The dress 
is ornamented with bows of ribbon, and trimmed with splendid lace, 
while a magnificent ruff surrounds her neck. The hair is worn in 
simpler form, not in ringlets, and adorned with pearl and dieimond 
ornaments. Her name appears upon the picture, and also her coat 
of arms, Clifford impaling Herbert and Sackville, surmounted by an 
Earl's coronet. 

The miniature which bears her name in the Duke of Buccleuch's 
collection at Montagu House, and which is declared to have been 
painted by HiUiard, is an important work of art, but cannot be 
regarded as a portrait of Lady Anne. 

The remaining pictures show her in her old age. The oval oil 
portrait at Appleby is very important although I am quite unable 
even to suggest who was the artist responsible, or who painted the 
other two oval pictures of her which hang on the same wall. In this 
she is in a black dress, and wears a long, falling white collar, adorned 
with two rows of lace. At the point of the corsage is a square brooch, 
and another very similar brooch fastens the collar. She wears a black 
lace veil over her hair, which falls on to each shoulder. The portrait 
bears her name, and her coat of arms, Vipont impaling Sackville and 
Herbert quarterly, under an Earl's coronet. She is said to have 
been over seventy years of age when this portrait was painted, and 
she had many replicas made from it which she gave to different persons 
of her acquaintance. On the one presented to the Bishop of Carlisle 

National Portrait Gallery. 

(seepage 350). 

Emery Walker — Photo. 
To face page 350. 

The Portraits of Lady Anne. 351 

which hangs at Rose Castle is the statement " aetatis stJAE 80 
ANNO Dom. 1670." There are similar portraits at Dalemain, at 
Naworth Castle,^ and in the possession of the Le Fleming family. 
There should be other similar copies in existence, because Lady Anne 
gave a picture of herself to the Musgraves at Edenhall, and she also 
gave one to Mr. Sedgwick, which was at Collinfield, but that is declared 
to have been dated 1650, with the inscription " aetatis 60." At one 
time her portraits also hung at Featherston Castle, at Hornby Castle, 
and at Hutton Hall, but neither of these can be traced, nor can the 
miniature be found which was at one time inlaid in the door of a 
cabinet at Blaze Castle. The painting at Lowther is not an original 
as that was destroyed by fire in 1703. 

Furthermore, there are two portraits of Lady Anne at Bolton 
Abbey, one with the arms of Herbert impaling Clifford, the other with 
the arms showing both marriages, and an inscription giving incon- 
sistent dates " ^t. Suae 60," and " a.d. 1672." 

At Howsham Hall, there is another portrait, inscribed " .^t. Suae 30. 
Anno 1620," and bearing upon it the arms of Clifford impaling Vipont 
above a Cotmtess's coronet. 

There is said to be a portrait of Lady Anne also at Lilford Hall, 
but about this I am a little uncertain. There is the one in Wales, 
which was originally at CoUin Field, while at Hothiield Place there 
are several other portraits of her, more or less resembling those already 
mentioned, and evidently copies of them. 

The oval portrait at Appleby is believed to represent Lady Anne 
at the age of seventy-five, and it is stated that on a replica of it 
there is the inscription " aetatis 75 " but on those at Rose Castle 
and Naworth Castle, which almost exactly resemble it, there are, 
as just stated, inscriptions to state that she was 80 years old. 
It is therefore probable that the original picture was painted when 
she was seventy-five, and that the copies she gave to the Bishop of 
Carlisle and Earl of Carlisle were made from it some years afterwards. 
The artist who painted the great triptych at Appleby has been more 
successful in his later portrait of her than in the earlier one, possibly 
Lady Anne herself was there to sit to him at the time. The repre- 

* gee l-ord Liverpool's catalogue 37 p. 61 . It measures 29 by 24 and is inscribed Mt. 80, 1670, 

352 Lady Anne. 

sentation of her in that panel of the triptych is excellent, although 
perchance a little too smooth in the features. 

By far the most interesting of the portraits of Lady Anne is the 
one supposed to have been the last that was painted. It is a fine 
work of art, and now hangs at Hothfield Place. The portrait is in 
an oval, head and shoulders only, the costume black, the head being 
shrouded in a sort of hood, lined with white, and hiding all the hair. 
From it, the features stand out in sharp relief. The face is one of 
imperious dignity, inflexible and stern, but not without a certain 
lurking humour and kindliness. Determination is, however, its out- 
standing characteristic. 

This portrait has never been engraved nor copied, nor has it ever 
been photographed until the work was done for these pages. It is a 
wonderful summing up of all the characteristics of the remarkable 
woman it represents. 

Finally there is one perplexing picture to mention. It hangs at 
Wobum, in the north corridor (157) and is declared to be a portrait of 
Lady Anne at the age of sixty-four in 1637, 'the two dates being incon- 
sistent with one another. If she had been sixty-four in 1637, she must 
have been born in 1573, whereas she was not bom until 1590. There 
is another inscription on the portrait, stating that it represents Anne 
Clifford, referring to her titles, and to her parentage, but this is not 
in the same handwriting as are the words " .(Etatis Suae 64, 1637," 
Careful examination, moreover, reveals the fact that the " ^-tatis 
Suae " seems to have been painted after the completion of the picture, 
as it stands in quite a different relationship to the varnish of the 
picture to that which is borne by the longer inscription. There is 
therefore some probabihty that the ^Etatis Suae inscription has been 
added.* The picture does not however resemble Lady Anne, except 
with regard to the eyes, and even they are not much like those 
in other pictures. The hair is not curly, there is no sign of any ringlets, 
such as are clearly noticeable in the picture in the triptych at Appleby, 
and also can be seen to a certain extent both in the oval picture at 

* It has been suggested as a possible explanation to this difficulty that the " 6 " and the 
" 4 " in the inscription may have been by accident reversed, for if the age had been 46 instead 
of 64, it would have been approximately correct. Such mistakes have been known to happen, 
even with careful people, and in recent times, and it would explain the discrepancy, and enable 
one to accept the portrait as one representing Lady Anne. 







































The Portraits of Lady Anne. 353 

Appleby, and in one which much resembles it in the National Portrait 
Gallery. In the picture at Wobum, the lady is represented as wearing 
a double honey-comb radiating ruff, and having a dress of dark bro- 
caded material, cut somewhat square in the throat, and edged with 
lace. She wears, moreover, a curious grey muslin cap, from which 
falls, at the back, a heavy black crape veil. If the portrait is one of 
Lady Anne, it must represent her at a different period of life 
to any other portrait, and in a brighter, more cheerful frame of 
mind than she seems usually to have adopted when she sat for her 
picture. I can conceive of no other person whom it is so likely 
to represent as Lady Anne, and although I have searched various 
records, I can find no one connected with the Russell family of that 
period and age from whom it is likely to have been painted. The 
tradition in support of its name is one of very long standing, and it 
so appears in various old catalogues of the Wobum pictures.^ The 
name and the long inscription upon the canvas appear to be con- 
temporary, whereas the statement respecting the age and the date, 
although in the shape of the letters and figures belonging to an even 
earlier period than the inscription on the picture, has very much the 
appearance of having been added. I do not Uke to reject an old 
tradition, and I do not care to accept the picture, save with a certain 
hesitation (see footnote as to her age) but it is that of a clever, witty, 
determined old lady, and it is so pleasing that I would rather accept 
it than otherwise, supported as the attribution is by a long and steady 
tradition.* It is by the way attributed to Gilbert Jackson, the reinains 
of whose signature are said to be visible on the lower right-hand 
comer of the spandril, and there certainly appears to be some such 
signature upon the picture. If that is the case, the picture acquires 
an added interest, as works by Gilbert Jackson are exceedingly rarely 
to be seen. There is a portrait by him of WiUiam, Bishop of 
Lincoln in the library of St. John's College, Cambridge, and there is 
one of his portraits in the National Portrait Gallery, but very few of 
them are known to exist. 
There are several portraits of Lady Anne at Knole. Two once 

s See B.M. 7855, fi 47, 1834, and 59 i., 26, 1800. 

• It is illustrated in Mr. Collins Baker's book on Lely and the Stuart Painters, 1912, vol. i, 
p. 54- 


354 Lady Anne. 

hung in the Brown Gallery, representing her and her husband, and 
were attributed in the old catalogues of the Knole pictures to Cornelius 
Janssens. They are now in the Ball Room. I am rather disposed 
to find in these two pictures the work of Van Somer rather than 
Janssens, more especially as we know, from Lady Anne's diary, that 
Van Somer did paint both her and her husband, and also that he was 
responsible for a portrait of Lady Margaret. Critics have in receut 
years agreed in attributiiig Lord Dorset's portrait to Van Somer, but 
they cannot make up their mind respecting the one of his wife. In 
this picture Lord Dorset is represented wearing the sword of his 
grandfather, the initials T.S. being seen in monogram on the sword- 
guard. Both portraits measure 84 by 50. 

Another picture of Lady Ajine attributed to Mytens, used to hang 
in the Parlour Passage, and one of Lady Margaret,'' is to be found in 
Lady Betty Germaine's room. This is probably the Van Somer 
portrait but some critics are even yet disposed to question whether 
that painter executed it. It may perhaps be well to mention in this 
place, that there was a portrait of Lady Margaret as Countess of Thanet, 
by Romney, in the private rooms of the same house, and another one 
of her in Lord George's Passage, but the artist who painted the latter 
cannot be indentified. 

It is declared in the catalogue of the Dalkeith portraits,^ that there 
is a portrait by Vandyck of Lady Anne at that place. It is described 
as No. 168, measuring 6 feet lof by 4 feet i|, and it is stated to be a 
full-length picture to the right, in a dress of green silk, with puffed 
sleeves, holding a rose in the left hand, and a fold of the dress in the 
light. This picture I have not seen. 

It is also stated that at Castle Ashby, there is a portrait of Lady 
Anne at the age of thirteen. This also I have not been able to see, 
but, from the account given by those who have seen it, it appears to 
resemble very closely the portrait at Appleby, which represents her 
somewhat later in life, say at the age of about eighteen. 

There is a portrait of her attributed to Vandyck, half-length, in a 
red dress, at the Dulwich Gallery. 

According to the Strawberry Hill Catalogue, Walpole had a portrait 

' It is on panel, zaj x 17 and inscribed MtaX. Svae. 4.A» D*; 1618, 
8 gee B.M., K.T.C. 5. b. 4,, 1911, 

The Portraits of Lady Anne. 355 

of her, which is not particularly described, but Walpole states " There 
is a medal of the lady, taken from this picture." In that case, it 
probably resembled the one at Appleby, and the almost similar one 
at the National Portrait GaUery, because, in the arrangement of the 
lace collar and the two brooches, and the veil over the head, these 
pictures offer a very close connection with the portrait on the medal. 
This picture was sold on the 21st day of the Sale, Lot 113, for fifteen 
guineas, to a Mr. George Soaper. Walpole also is declared to have 
possessed a minature of Lady Anne by Dixon, which came from the 
collection of Lady Isabella Scott, daughter to the Duchess of Monmouth. 
This was sold on the 14th day of the sale, Lot 95, to Hor. Rodd for 
£6 i6s. 6d., but, as there is no description of it in the catalogue, we 
cannot identify it with any existing miniature. 

There are various prints of portraits of Lady Anne, and for the 
convenience of research, details of them are given at the end of this 


1. Head and shoulders to the right, in an oval. Arms in a lozenge below. 

R. White, sculp. 
The Lady Anne Clifford, the only daughter of George, Earle of Cumberland. 
Aetat 13. 1603. 

9}, height, 6| width. 
This is from the original picture at the Marquis of Northampton's Castle 
Ashby. Mentioned by Granger. 

2. Exactly the same as above, but without arms. 

7 inches in height, 5I in width. 

3. Head and shoulders to the left, in an oval. 

Inscribed, " Anne, Countess of Dorset and Pembroke. From a painting in 
miniature by Ozias Humphry, R.A., after the original at Knole." 
Published ist June, 1803. 
4J height, 3t width. 

4. The same plate, with some curls added on the forehead, published ist of 
February, 1807. 

5. Three-quarter length figure to the left, holding a rose. 

Title below, " From the original by M3rtens, in the possession of the Duke of 
Dorset. Engraved by E. Scriven." 

15 inches in height, loj in width. Plate mark. 
This is a plate to the folio edition of Lodge's Portraits, published by Lackington, 
^nd is in stipple, the print itself being 7f by 6. Mentioned by Granger, 

356 Lady Anne. 

6. Exactly the same as the preceding but engraved by H. T. Ryall. 
Published in 1830. 

The plate measures gi by 7I, the engraving 4I by 3|. 
This is a plate to the octavo edition of Lodge's Portraits which was issued 
in 1835. 

7. Head and shoulders to the right, in a half-oval, wearing a black veil over 
her head. Two shields of arms above. In the top corners are XLIV and 
358. Engraved by P. Mazel. 

Inscribed " Anne Clifford, Countess of Cumberland " (the title being false) 
aet. 81. 

This was taken from an original portrait in the Strawberry Hill collection. 
The plate is from Pennant's " Tour through Scotland," 1771, Vol. II. 

The plate 7f by 5f, the portrait sf by 4! . 
This is mentioned by Granger. 

8. Exactly the same as above, but with the title Pembroke substituted for 

9. Head and shoulders to the left in an oval, with a seal and autograph below. 

Plate mark 7-I by 4 J. 

10. Half-length figure, by Van Dyck, from the Herbert family. 

Engraved space, 3f by 2J. 

11. Full face, as a child, in an oval, wearing jewelled head-dress, earrings and 

Inscribed " Lady Anne Clifford, the only daughter and heir of George Earl 
of Cumberland, aetat 13, 1603." 

Published by W. Richardson, Castle Street, Leicester Fields. This appears 
as in illustration in Granger, vol. 11., 176, and differs slightly from No. i. 

12. There is a portrait engraved by Park after the original at Knole, which 
appears in Walpole's " Noble Authors." Mentioned by Granger. 

13. Granger refers to an engraving by Harding, but does not give any details. 




IT is fortunate for those who are interested in the life of Lady Anne 
Clifford, that her diary should have survived the many vicis- 
situdes to which such documents are liable, and should have come 
down to the present day, available for our purposes, but, notwith- 
standing the great importance of this document, there must at one 
time have been in existence other diaries kept by her, which were 
probably of even greater value, but they seem to have disappeared 
entirely. There are three sets each of the three great books of the 
Diary, one copy at Appleby Castle, another at Skipton Castle, and 
a third at Bill Hill, Wokingham. This third set is alluded to by 
Thomas, sixth Earl of Thanet ^ (1649-1729), in a note which he appends 
to the concluding volume of the series at Appleby. In it he states 
that he has a third set of the volumes, that it was at that time in 
London, and that it was intended for the use of his daughters, who 
would succeed to certain of the dignities to which it makes reference. 
Again, the two series at Skipton and at Appleby are not exactly alike, 
•nor are they wholly in the same handwriting, nor even written by the 
same set of persons, and it would almost appear as if the volumes were 
written up not only by the various secretaries whom Lady Anne 
employed, but by her chief officers on the occasions of their visits 
to her, because I can trace in the volumes the handwritings of Sedgwick, 
Marsh, Edge, and Clapham, as well as that of a person who was, in all 

1 The statement in Lord Thanet's handwriting is as follows ; — " There being one sett of 
these Books at Skipton, another sett at Applebee Castle, and this sett at Hothfield, I thought 
it proper to keep one sett at London, for the use and benefitt of my daughters or those con- 
cerned for them, since they will hereafter have an interest in the Northern Estate, and as the 
Barony of Clifford after my decease will be in them, by my order the whole proceeding in the 
House of Lords is herein entered, as all other concerns relating to that Estate, during my life, 
shall also herein be inserted." (Signed) Thanet. 

358 Lady Anne. 

probability, a subordinate to them, a secretary perhaps employed 
for the very purpose of compiling the books. In all probability, 
this secretary, who is responsible for the greater part of the writings, 
was a certain Edwin Langley, because, in a letter written by Lady 
Anne from Appleby, April 19th, 1649, there is an interesting 
reference to Langley and to the books when Lady Anne writes 
" And take a care thatt there may be some greatt paper be Bought 
for Ed. Langley to writt in, for the finishing of my 3 Greatt written 
hand-Books, one of them, whiche is the first parte was brought well 
to mee withein this few dayes hether. And, I pray you, haste the 2 
parts, whiche is the Bigest of them, done hether to mee as sone as 
Langley hathe done itt." It is clear that this is a reference to the 
actual books, because she calls them " the Great Books " and states 
that, of the other two parts one is the biggest of them, and the second 
volume, in both the two groups^ is nearly twice the thickness of either 
of the first or the third. 

There is another reference to these volumes in a letter Lady Anne 
wrote to Mr. Christopher Marsh from Appleby Castle at Christmas, 
1649. ^^^ says, with reference to Sir Matthew Hale (then Mr. Hale) 
and his clerk Poynes, in whose possession she had left the books, that 
they might refer to them and use them in the lawsuit that was then 
pending. " Entreat them to be careful in this business of mine 
concerning my three Great Books, in which, whatsoever Mr. Hale 
pleases to be written, I would have it to be kept by itself, just on 
scribbling hand, and not written out fairly in the book till I come to 
London." At that time she expected she might have to attend at 
the Law Courts herself as a witness, but the case was settled without 
her presence, and the great books were then sent down again into 
her own custody. There are one or two sheets in a rougher hand 
fastened into one of the sets, and these may perchance be the ones 
she alludes to. There is very little of Sir Matthew Hale's writing to 
be found in either volume, but there are some places in which he has 
corrected certain legal documents, which have been copied into the 
books, by another hand, and has added notes and cross-references of 
his own. 

The volumes are not wholly occupied with the diary, in fact it 
fills a subordinate place in them. The main purpose of the creation 

To face page 358. 





f.. J^ V.^ *i 

It refers to the Veteriponts (see page 359). 

To face page 359. 



giving the Ancestors of Lady Anne (see page 360). 

Th£ Creat Diary. 359 

of the three books was to note down all the records concerning the 
families of Clifford and Veteripont, in order to have all the material 
ready to hand for the contest which Lady Anne and her mother were 
making for the estates. She wets particular to give on the title page 
of each volume, the chief credit for the work to her mother. She says 
in every instance that the records were " by the great and painful 
industry of Lady Cumberland gotten out of the several offices and 
courts of this kingdom to prove the right title which her only child 
had to the inheritance of her father and his ancestors." 

The books are what would be probably called at the present day 
either demy folio or medium folio. They do not exactly correspond 
to either size. The pages measure about 17^ inches in height and from 
that to 18 inches, and they are, as a rule, about 14 inches wide. The 
first and third volumes are practically similar in thickness, the second 
more than thrice as thick £is either of the others. The system adopted 
is the same in each of the two sets.^ It takes each important member 
of the family in succession, gives all the records concerning him or 
her, rendering them both in Latin and in English, has, following that, 
a summary of the records concerning the person in question, his wife 
and his children, and a brief statement of the details of their career. 
Then follows an index, a genealogical tree in colour, and a blank page, 
and following that, a similar set of statements referring to the person 
who occurs next in the historical succession. The frontispiece of each 
volimie is an elaborate genealogical tree, very carefully prepared in 
colour, and dealing with the branch of the family specially referred 
to in the volume. The first contains the genealogical tree of 
the Veteriponts, the second that of the early Cliffords and the 
third, that of the later Cliffords down to the marriage of the 
first Earl of Cumberland. In addition to these coloured genea- 
logical frontispieces, there is the separate pedigree, more simply 
drawn out, but also coloured of most of the persons to whom the 
special records relate. These separate pedigrees give the coronets 
and badges of chivalry with every possible detail. It is possible 
that the writing upon some of these pedigrees was executed by the 

2 The third set, at Bill Hill, has not been collated with the other two. It appears to 
resemble them in almost all its main features. It has passed in direct succession from Lady 
Harold to its present owner. 

360 Lady Anne. 

same person who was responsible for the inscriptions on the Great 
Picture, because in certain instances, there is a close resemblance 
between the formation of the letters in the inscriptions on the picture, 
and those in the volume. 

The first volume commences with records concerning Robert de 
Veteripont, and continues down to the time of Roger, Lord Clifford, 
commonly called ' Roger the Elder." The second commences with 
records of Roger de Clifford the younger, and his wife Isabella de 
Veteripont, and goes down to the mother of Henry the first Earl of 
Cumberland. The third commences with the first Earl of Cumberland, 
gives all the details concerning him, continues on with reference to 
the second Earl and his two wives, Lady Eleanor Brandon and Lady 
Anne Dacres, and then refers at considerable length to George, third 
Earl, and to his wife. Lady Margaret Russell, has some allusions to 
the history of Francis, fourth Earl, and to that of Henry, fifth Earl, 
and then begins to narrate the story of Lady Anne Clifford herself, 
and to give the various records concerning her suits, and the petitions 
that she made for her rights and titles in the three baronies of Clifford, 
Westmorland and Vescy, detailing very minutely all the various 
claims and entries which she made for her inheritance in 1628 and 
in 1632, Eind giving her own genealogical tree. Then, on page 
223, commences the diary, which is the principal source of our in- 
formation respecting her. This, however, is particularly headed as 
" a summary of the records, and a true memorial of the Ufe of mee, 
the Lady Anne Chfford." It is in the first person, and copious extracts 
have been made from it in the preceding chapters. I have compared 
the two copies of this diary, line by line, and while there is no serious 
discrepancy between them, they are not alike, and here and there, 
they contain pieces of information supplementing one another, not 
of special moment, but still possessed of interest. What is of im- 
portance, however, is to notice that both the sets of three volumes 
have been gone over by Lady Anne herself, because in each case 
there are additions made in her own handwriting, and rather more 
of these additions appear in the copy that is now at Skipton, than 
in the copy preserved at Appleby. As a rule, the additions written 
in by Lady Anne consist of a heading to each year, so as to make 
it quite definite and clear as to which year is referred to. She has 

To fice p.'if,'e 360 

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■ co^ntmuJ f<^kr-l''if'f"tr.Jay r^PU^.fait^i^^ Hfiif'^'..'rnt^i'.-d h^Apphiry {^i^lil' ip Lti-finr fin. aii 

\}lqUm!tn,1iJn,,gSl.-ranJ,t?Mtrm^,SciUJ:aV-fimu'cS,rJf{uJ.i:(:c:rf!fIa«mJ.-r!,sa. ■ " " 

1 ytvllH''d'p 

A Page from the Volume containing ini-okmation concerning Lady Anne. 

The line below the rule is in her own handwriting 

(see page 360). 


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The Great Diary. 361 

written on several occasions the statement, for example, " For the 
year of our Lord God 1670, as the yeare begins on New Yeare's Day," 
in other instances, she has made a slight alteration in the wording, 
" In the yeare of our Lord God 1652, as the yeare begins on New Yeare's 
Day." Many of the references to the texts of Holy Scripture which 
appear sprinkled about the pages on the diary, are in her own hand- 
writing. In one or two instances she has altered the quotation entered 
by her secretary to a somewhat different one, but there is hardly 
anything of real importance which she has actually in her own hand- 
writing added to the diary, except on page 233, where she writes in 
" And now, on this ,24th of Jioly did Mr. George Sedgwick come 
hither from London to me as my secretary, and one of my chief 
officers." The particular attention which she herself paid to this 
diary, and to the records concerning her own parents, gives it a 
special interest, and makes it of greater importance as a document 
than any other part of the three great volumes, the transcribing of 
which she appears to have left quite contentedly in the hands of the 
various secretaries or amanuenses who were responsible for it, although 
even there she has herself in many places corrected dates or Christian 
names. On the whole, the writing is of extraordinary beauty, Eind 
very legible, the initial letters occasionally decorated, while the Great 
Seals, badges, smaller seals and coats of arms, appearing on the various 
records, are reproduced in pen and ink with more than ordinary skiU. 
It is clear, however, that the information in the diary was a part, 
" a summary " as she herself calls it, from a very much fuller diary 
or Day-by-Day Book, which certainly, long after her time, was in 
existence, but which has now disappeared. It has been stated that 
her grandson Thomas, sixth Earl of Thanet, who succeeded to her 
property only eight years after her decease, had these volumes destroyed 
as they appeared to him to be too critically outspoken for safety, and 
Whitaker, in his " History of Craven " distinctly states that he saw 
at Skipton several memoranda relative to large parcels of papers 
" sent away," and probably destroyed, by this Earl. But since, 
however, I find parts of this rough diary quoted by various writers 
for more than a hundred years after the time of Thomas, Lord Thanet, 
he must either be acquitted of this act of vandalism, or else copies of 
parts of these volumes must have been made, and possibly, may be 

362 Lady Anne. 

still in existence, although at present they cannot be traced. John 
Bajoies (1758-1787) who at one time contemplated writing a history 
of Craven, wrote to a friend that he had access to the papers of Lady 
Anne, " and," says he, " I have found still more and more reason to 
admire the spirit and industry of Lady Anne, having seen the collections 
made by her orders, and under her inspection, relative to the Clifford 
family, which are such as, I will venture to say, no other noble 
family in the world can show." He goes on to state " They are com- 
prised in three enormous volumes folio " and contained not only 
pedigrees of every branch of the family, but " every grant, charter 
or document concerning the Cliffords which could at that time be 
procured or met with." " The usefulness of such a record," he adds, 
" is not to be described, it has ascertained their rights so clearly as 
to have settled numberless disputes, not to mention those it must 
have prevented." 

Dr. Kippis says in 1784 that this Mr. John Baynes gave him a 
" transcript of the original narrative life of herself by the Countess 
of Dorset," but although it is clear that Kippis refers to the three 
volumes still in existence, yet both he and Baynes mention certain 
small isolated facts which are not in these volumes, and therefore 
would appear to have had acess to some other book, which has now 
disappeared. As recently as 1848, there must have been at Skipton 
a small quarto volume, containing another abstract or summary of 
the three great books of records, and this was evidently prepared in 
the time of Thomas Earl of Thanet, as it speaks of him as still Uving, 
and adds " whom God long preserve in health and happiness." It was 
copied by Mr. Edward Hailstone, F.S.A., communicated to the His- 
torical section of the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland, and printed for the Institute at the end of the second part 
of the York volume, which commemorates the meeting held in the 
city of York in July, 1846. It would appear likely, from this printed 
copy, which only fills 16 pages, that the summary was prepared from 
the Great Books. It may have been prepared from the third set, 
or have been supplemented by extracts from the rough diary, which 
cannot now be traced, because there are in it several little odd 
pieces of information, which do not appear in the great books now 
at Appleby and at Skipton. For example, the printed copy con- 

The Great Diary. 363 

tains references to the work executed by Lady Anne in the windows 
of Skipton Church, and for the steeple, and tells us the cost that she 
incurred in repairing Appleby Church, giving also a more accurate 
statement respecting the first persons who were presented to the 
almshouse at Appleby. It narrates rather fuller details of the story 
of the repairs at Skipton, and has a statement about the soldiers who 
were lodged in the castle, which differs from that in the Great 
Books, going also rather more carefully into details concerning the 
endowment for Mallerstang Chapel and it has added to it, some 
genealogical information respecting Lady Anne's children and grand- 
children, which must have been compiled at the time. On the 
whole, however, the book does not contain much more than what 
we possess in the Great Volumes. 

A memoir of Lady Anne, however, which Seward prints in " Anec- 
dotes 01 Distinguished Persons " in 1804, and which relates to the 
year 1603, refers to a special diary of that year, the original of which 
can no longer be traced. Seward does not tell us where he got the 
information, or where he copied the diary, but he implies that it was 
at Skipton. It is no longer there. Furthermore, there is a diary 
relating to the three years 1616, 1617 and 1618-19, which was at one 
time amongst the MSS. at Knole, and which Hastings, ninth Duke 
of Bedford, had copied by special permission. This also seems to 
have disappeared. The original is not to be found amongst the 
Knole MSS., but a careful and verbatim copy of each of these two 
documents made by some unknown person has been found in the 
library at Knole and placed at my disposal by Lord Sackville.' 

In the British Museum is another summary, copied on the 29th of 
December, 1737.* This was made by one Henry Fisher, and at the 
end of it is Fisher's statement concerning the death of Lady Anne 
and her funeral. It is in the first person, and is a careless and some- 
what inaccurate copy of the latter part of the third volume at Appleby, 
but it is not identical, either with the third volume at Appleby, or 
with the third volume at Skipton, and it may therefore have been 
copied from the third set already referred to, or the omissions in 
it may be due to the carelessness of the copsdst, and to his inability 

' There are a few curious errors in them in proper names. 
* 6177 Harleian MS. 

364 Lady Anne. 

to read the manuscript from which he was copying. There are several 
instances in which this British Museum copy omits pieces of information 
which are to be found in the books at Appleby and Sldpton. They 
are not of special moment, but there are a few detached facts which 
the incompetent cop5nst has omitted or misread, and, curiously 
enough, there are certain places in the British Museum MS. where 
the arrangement is different from that of either of the two extant 
copies. This particular British Museum MS. has lately been published 
for the Roxburghe Club, with a portrait and most important intro- 
duction by Mr. J. P. Gilson, keeper of MSS. in the British Museum. 
It forms the volume presented to the Club in 1916 by Baroness 

This does not, however, complete the list of Lady Anne's diaries, 
for George Watson, who wrote as recently as 1901, must have had 
reference to some copy which cannot now be traced, for in his little 
paper on Lady Anne Clifford, published in 1901 at Penrith, at the 
offices of the Observer, there are certain imimportant extracts made 
from what he calls " The Countess's Diary " which are not in any 
of the volumes to which reference has already been made. In Tullie 
House, Carlisle, in the Jackson library, there is a MS. copy of what 
is stated to be the " diary of Lady Anne, from the book of records 
preserved at Skipton." Generally speaking, this seems to be a copy 
of the volume now in existence, but I have not collated it page by 
page, as it was not practicable to bring over the Great Volumes from 
Appleby, and examine them against this MS. It is possible that the 
entries made by Watson may have been taken from this MS., and 
that it may be a copy of the third volume in the BiU HiU set rather 
than of the two other originals, but from a general survey of it, I 
did not find in it an5^hing of real importance different from the books 
at Appleby and Skipton. 

At the very end of it, however, is an extremely valuable record of 
the last few months of Lady Anne's life, a very small part of which 
was used by Jackson ^ in an article he wrote styled " The Diary of a 
Westmorland Lady." The greater part of it, however, has never 
before appeared in print, and is accordingly given verbatim in this 

' Papers and Pedigrees, by W. Jackson, 1892, vol. i. 

The Great Diary. 365 

volume, It is a record of the highest interest, and must have been 
copied from certain odd pages of the Day-by-Day Book before they 
were destroyed, if that was their ultimate fate. There appears, 
however, to be just a possibility that these actual pages are still in 

Even this does not, however, complete the list of the various papers 
relative to Lady Anne, although as far as we are aware, those I am 
about to mention relate solely to the claims for her estates. Roger 
Dodsworth, 1585-1654, the well-known antiquary, who was the son 
of the registrar at York Cathedral, examined the Clifford papers at 
Skipton Castle in 1646, and made long and elaborate extracts from 
them. 160 volumes of his MSS. were deposited by Thomas, third 
Lord Fairfax, to whom they had been bequeathed, in the Bodleian 
Library, in 1673, and volumes Lxx, Lxxi, Lxxiv, and lxxxiii, refer 
to the Clifford documents, and are more particularly described in the 
catalogue of the Dodsworth manuscripts prepared by the Rev. Joseph 
Hunter and published in 1838.* They contain much valuable material 
relative to the pedigree and the estates of the Chffords, especially 
vol. Lxxxiii, which is fuU of transcripts of deeds which were in Skipton 
Castle in 1646, and to a student who was making an exhaustive 
study of Clifford pedigree would be of considerable importance. 

Amongst the Williamson MSS. in Queen's College, Oxford, left to 
the College by Sir Joseph Williamson, there is an important one, 
concerning the claim and title of Lady Anne to the Baronies of Clifford, 
Westmoreland and Vescy,' and then, finally, in Lincoln's Inn library,* 
there are two volumes, one entirely devoted to pedigree, and the other 
dealing with the title of Lady Anne to the Baronies, in each of which 
there appears a great deal of Sir Matthew Hale's handwriting. Con- 
cerning one of these MSS. there is an interesting story told, to the 
effect that it was the only thing that remained after a great fire which 
occurred at the Law Courts in Sir Matthew Hale's time, when he 
was acting for Lady Anne, in the suit she brought against her West- 
moreland tenants with regard to the tenure with a fine under which 

•B.M. 620. g. 32, 1838. 

' See Catalogus Codicum in Colleg aulisque Oxoniensibus, Par. i, B.M. 824, K. 11-12, also 
' Hale MS., LXXXIII and civ. 

366 Lady Anne. 

they held the land. It is said that large quantities of original deeds 
and papers were brought up from Appleby and Skipton to London, 
to be made use of in this trial, and that a fire broke out, and everything 
was destroyed, with the exception of this one document which Hale 
saved, and which finally he deposited in Lincoln's Inn library, with 
the rest of the MSS which be bequeathed to that establishment. There 
are many references to Hale in Lady Anne's letters, and there is one 
important allusion to Dodsworth, which occurs in a letter which she 
sent to her agent Mr. Marsh on the 15th of July, 1650, in which she 
says that she had received through him a letter from Mr. Dodsworth, 
making a certain certificate concerning her cousin, Sir Richard Lowther, 
but the reference is not a very clear one. The words are as follows : — 
" I know when yours was brought me, a letter from Mr. Dodsworth, 
wherein he certifies me that my cousin Richard Lowther takes the 
wrong course about the business for the Under-sheriff of Westmoreland 
was brought me, and it seems my cousin Richard Lowther thinks 
the same of Mr. Dodsworth. I know not what to think of it, except 
you set it right. I have written to them both about this matter." 
In this same letter. Lady Anne expresses her confidence that all will 
go well in her suits " Under God's help, I must trust to you and Mr. 
Hale in it." 

It would be peculiarly interesting to know what has become 
of the important Sedgwick MS., from which Nicholson and Bums ' 
make many quotations, and which gives us information respecting 
Lady Anne which can be obtained from no other sources. These 
authors must also have had access to the Day-by-Day Book, written 
by Lady Anne during the last few months of her life, because they 
make certain extracts from it, very similar to those I have discovered 
at Carlisle. 

It is believed that some fifty years ago, certain papers which up to 
that time had been preserved at Appleby Castle, were unintentionally 
destroyed. They were in dirty condition, and in the opinion of 
Admiral Elliott, then the chief agent for the estate, were useless, but 
the instructions concerning them appear to have been misimderstood, 
and, instead of their being more carefuUy examined, they were burned. 

» Nicholson and Bums' History of Westmorland, 1777. See B.M., 578, i, 30 — log, b. 11 snd 
Q. 3484-85- 

The Great Diaey. 367 

Fortunately, there are still many documents at Appleby in the muni- 
ment room which I have had the privilege of examining and copy- 
ing, and amongst them some notable letters already referred to. 
The muniment room at Skipton also contains large quantities of 
documents, but nothing of any special importance concerning Lady 
Anne. The contents of both muniment rooms have recently been 
rearranged by me with the invaluable aid of Miss D. O. Shilton, and 
all the documents classified and sorted. Amongst the treasures which 
rewarded the search were an interesting map of a part of the estate, a 
book on alchemy and the philosopher's stone, which probably belonged 
to Lady Anne's father, and is possibly the very one depicted in the 
Great Picture ; a treatise on the same subject ; a carefuUy written list 
of the various members of parUament for the Borough of Appleby ; 
the original contracts for the erection by Lady Anne of her father's 
tomb ; two pedigrees, one of which is of unusual importance ; a curious 
exercise or scribbling book for a child which contains some of the hand 
writing of Samuel Daniel ; a precious Uttle volume in manuscript with 
receipts for medicines, electuaries, cordials and tinctures with annota- 
tions and corrections in Lady Cumberland's handwriting ; some civil 
war tracts ; part of a long manuscript poem on alchemy; an im- 
portant volume of Lady Anne's accounts tor 1665, with separate 
sheets for 1667-1668 ; and many other documents which are specific- 
ally alluded to in an article on these discoveries by Daniel Scott, 
contained in Vol. xviii (new series) of the Transactions of the Cumber- 
land and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society. 




THERE are two interesting almshouses, associated with Lady 
Anne, the one founded by her mother, Margaret, Countess of 
Cumberland, at Beamsley (originally known as Bethemsley), 
and the other at Appleby, founded by Lady Anne herself. Both are 
remarkable buildings, founded under unusual circumstances, and 
substantially endowed, and both are still pursuing the even tenor 
of their way, carrying out the arrangements originally made by their 
munificent founders, and in every way successful from philanthropic 
and charitable points of view. Furthermore, the building occupied 
by each of these foundations, has an interest of its own. With re- 
gard to that at Beamsley, it was founded by Margaret, Countess of 
Cumberland, under a special charter granted to her by Queen Elizabeth, 
on March i6th, 1593 (in the 35th year of her reign), and is for a mother 
and twelve sisters. The original charter is still in existence, and is 
a very handsome and lengthy Latin document, with the Great Seal 
attached. It refers to the fact that there were many poor women 
in and about Skipton, decrepit and broken down by old age, who were 
in the habit of begging for their daily bread, and that the Countess 
had pity upon them, and, desiring to establish almshouses for their 
protection, had moved Queen Elizabeth to grant a special charter 
for the establishment of the foundation. The first Mother and Sisters 
according to the charter, were to be appointed by Lady Cumberland, 
or by her husband, or either of them, or by their heirs, and were 
empowered with the advice of the Lord Keeper or the Archbishop of 
York for the time being, to make fitting statutes for the government 
of the hospital. The succeeding vacancies in the hospital, according 
to the charter, were to be filled up by a vote of the remaining Sisters, 

The Almshouses. 369 

but at the same time the fullest possible powers were given to, the 
representatives of the Countess of Cumberland to appoint Sisters t© 
the almshouses. It would therefore appear as though it was intended 
at first that the selection of the new Sisters should be made by the 
existing almswomen, and that out of the selected number, the patron 
or visitor of the hospital was to make the final election. In any case, 
selection by the almswomen themselves, appears speedily to have 
become a dead letter, and the management of the hospital came into 
the hands of the heirs of the founder and continues to the present day 
to be exercised by the representative holding the Skipton estates. The 
Earl and Countess and their heirs were, by the charter, invested with 
the power of holding an annual visitation, in order to audit the accounts, 
to inquire into offences, to expel the criminous and disobedient, and 
to confirm the election of any new Sisters. The successive Earls of 
Thanet, as owners of the Skipton estates, exercised all their rights of 
visiting and appointment, and their successor. Lord Hothfield, is in 
possession of the same privileges. Lady Cumberland endowed this 
hospital with some farm lands, and until recently, the endowments 
remained intact. One portion of the estate, however, has been sold 
to advantage to the Earl of Harewood, and the proceeds invested in 
Consols, so that in addition to one farm of about 142 acres, which is 
let at £155 a year, the hospital possesses rather more than £6,000 
in Consols, which jdelds about a similar amount, and the endowment 
admits of the payment to the Mother of rather over £20 a year, and 
to each of the Sisters of a sum rather exceeding £18 a year. In addition 
to these charges, a small sum of money is paid, according to the regu- 
lations of the hospital, to the neighbouring clergyman for administering 
Holy Communion to the inmates of the almshouses four times a year, 
and there is a reader appointed who receives rather over £20 a year 
for officiating in the chapel of the hospital on Sundays, and also on 
weekdays twice during the week. Lady Anne took considerable 
interest in this hospital, founded, as she states in her papers, " by 
my deare and blessed mother, Margaret Russell, Countess of Cumber- 
land, in the year 1593," and she made a series of regulations to be 
carefully obeyed by the inmates of the hospital, and these are practically 
still in force. Amongst them, she required that, when prayers were 
said in the chapel, the Mother and all the twelve Sisters should give 


270 Lady Anne. 

their constant attendance, and none of them should be absent at any 
time, except in case of sickness or other urgent occasion. She forbade 
any of the Sisters being out of their houses without the consent of the 
Mother or the Reader. She stated definitely that none of their children 
or grandchildren should be with the Sisters in the almshouses, without 
the leave of the reader or the mother, and that this leave should not 
be granted except in case of illness, or for some other reasonable cause. 
She enjoined the Sisters to live peaceably and quietly amongst them- 
selves, particularly cautioning the Mother to be careful to preserve 
order in the almshouse, and she stated that, if any difference shall 
arise between them, the matter shall be determined by a majority 
of the Sisters with the Mother, and in case that they cannot then agree, 
it must be referred for a final settlement to the owner of Skipton 
Castle. She was particular that the almshouse court should be kept 
swept once a week and that all the gullies and waterways should be 
scoured and kept clean and she gave instructions that the almshouse 
was to be closed at nine in the summer and at eight in the wiater, 
and was not to be opened until seven o'clock in the winter and six 
in the summer. Her most emphatic instruction was that none of the 
Sisters were to get into debt in the town, what she calls in her orders 
" run on score, because," says she, " they have their allowance 
quarterly and constantly," and it is well to note, in reference to this, 
that she made regulations which are still carried out, that the payments 
are made in advance, so that there should be no excuse for the Sisters 
getting into debt. If the rules were to be broken, they were to forfeit 
a fortnight's allowance, and half the sum they forfeited was to go to 
the poor of the town, and the other half to the informer, so that by 
this means, everybody was on the alert to see that no resident in the 
house was permitted to break any of these regulations. The second 
offence meant expulsion from the almshouse altogether. There are 
two interesting letters written by Lady Anne, preserved in the Fairfax 
correspondence. One was from Whitehall, written to Lord Fairfax 
at Denton, on the 14th of May, 1634, with reference to a certain 
Widow Ramsden, about whom there had been serious complaints. 
She was one, as Lady Anne called her " of my worthy mother's alms- 
housers," and the complaint against her morality had evidently been 
referred to Lady Anne herself. She sent back the papers to Lord 

The Almshouses. 37^ 

Fairfax for him to settle the matter, and says that " for the business 
itself, I will neither meddle one way or another, but leave it to God in 
Heaven and law and justice in earth. It is true that I am sorry any 
of that house should be accused of so foul a crime, but if she be guilty, 
let her suffer, in God's name ; if innocent, my trust is that through 
Providence above, and your goodness and wisdom in this world will 
acquit her." The other letter was addressed to the reader of the 
hospital, and referred to a vacant place that had occurred in the 
almshouse by the death of a sister, who was referred to under her 
initials as " E.B." The reader sent to Brougham a petition from a 
certain widow (spoken of as "D.G." and probably a Mrs. Gill), asking 
for the position, and Lady Anne sent a warrant to the reader from 
Pendragon Castle, dated the 12th of June, 1666, for the placing of 
this person in the almshouse " which warrant I desire may be com- 
mimicated by you to the mother and sisters, that shee may be settled 
therein accordingly." There was, however, some kind of anxiety 
concerning this new inmate, who perhaps was inclined to Freethought, 
for Lady Anne adds a postscript to her letter in the following words 
" provided that this widow Gill (evidently the D.G. referred to) goe 
to church, and to heare com'on prayer in ye almeshouse or otherwise 
itt wiU bring the house out of order." 

To the same reader (Mr. Brogden), she addressed another letter in 
somewhat sterner terms. There was evidently some carelessness on 
the part of the Mother and Sisters in collecting the rent from one of 
the farms with which her mother had endowed the hospital. It is 
possible that some of the inhabitants of Beamsley were interested in 
the person who held that part of the estate, or had been moved by his 
supplications, and were disposed to give him extra time for the payment 
of his rent. Lady Anne was, however, quite determined to allow no 
such laxity, and she writes thus : — 

" Good John Brogden, — I have received your letter, and in itt one from L. C. 
to the Mother and sisters of Beamsley desiring ye forbearance of ye rent due to 
them for some season, which mocion of his I doe utterly dislyke, and will by 
noe means give my assent to, for if I, or they, should hearken to such mocions 
they should be in a very sad condition. Therefore I charge you, and give you 
attorety under my own hande forthwith to distrayne for the saydd rentte and 
jff itt bee ngtt thereupon payde I will use the strictest course I cann to tyrne 

372 Lady Anne. 

him outt of the farme. And I praye you to showe him thees lines of minCi to 

wit, this my purpose and intention, and so committing you to the Almighty, 

J rest, — Your assured friend, 

(Signed) Anne Pembroke. 

Appleby Castle, 26th of May, 1655." 

It is clear by this letter, that she was determined to safeguard the 
interests of her mother's endowment m every possible way. 

The building at Beameley is a curious one, unique in its arrangement, 
so far as I can tell. It is circular, about 30 feet in diameter, with 
a chapel in the centre, 15 feet in diameter, and a passage leading 
to it. There are seven rooms radiating round the chapel, five opening 
with doors directly into the chapel, and two into the entrance passage, 
so that practically the apartments of the Mother and Sisters can only 
be approached through the central room, which is the chapel. This 
appears to have been the building first erected, but adjoining it there 
are six other cottages completing the accommodation for the Mother 
and twelve Sisters, and over the entrance archway is the inscription in 
delightful Roman capitals in similar fashion to the other inscriptions 
erected by Lady Anne, and reading as follows : — 


It would rather appear, from an examination of the deeds relating 
to the hospital, that, although the charter was given for a Mother 
and twelve Sisters, yet the only building erected by Margaret Countess 
of Cumberland herself was that for the Mother and six Sisters, and 
that Lady Anne either built or completed the work for the second 
group and thereby finished that commenced by her mother. 

It is quite clear from Lady Cumberland's will, dated April 27th, 
1616, and is even more definitely stated in a previous will, which she 
made on the i8th of May, 1613 (now to be found in the muniments 
at Appleby Castle, never having come into force) that she did not 



The Almshouses. 373 

complete in her lifetime the erection of the entire group of buildings. 
To quote from her last will, she says " I desire that the almeshouse 
which I have taken order for may be perfected, and for the maintenance 
thereof I give all my lands, etc. in Harwood and Stockton, York, by 
me of late purchased of Albony Butler, Gent., & Elizabeth his wife." 

It also seems pretty clear, from the style of the architecture, that 
the building which had been completed is the circular one, and the 
perfecting of the almshouse, which was an instruction laid upon her 
daughter, involved the smaller block, and the erection of the entrance 
archway with its inscription. 

An interesting feature concerning this hospital, is one which it 
shares with the similar foundation at Appleby, that the Mother and 
twelve Sisters form a body incorporate, with perpetual succession, 
and have the power to sue and be sued, insomuch that, though there 
are trustees for the estate, the actual sale of any property connected 
with the almshouses, both here and at Appleby, has to be done under 
the common seal and with the consent of the actual residents in the 
hospital. The deeds at Beamsley are very interesting. They are 
preserved in two original leather deed-cases, and in one delightful 
wood deed box of Stuart period, handsomely decorated in colour. 
These boxes, whether in leather or in wood, are rarely to be found, 
and the Beamsley examples are particularly good of their kind. There 
is an interesting book of accoimts relating to the management of the 
hospital dated from 1681, and it refers to the purchase of the tankard, 
the cup and the plate for the administration of the Holy Communion 
which were bought in August, 1683, and to the purchase of the hour- 
glass in the following year. The expenses are not of any serious 
character, they are for small repairs in connection with the alms- 
houses, for the reader's journey annually into Skipton, in connection 
with the audit ; for ink and paper for keeping the accounts, for small 
expenses when Holy Communion was given annually, generally not 
exceeding two shillings on each occasion, and for work attending to 
the weU, the hedges and the .brick and stone work of the buildings, or 
of the entrance gate. Amongst the deeds themselves is one dated 
1661 signed by Lady Anne, appointing her bailiffs as her attornies 
in the presence of two of her chief officers, George Sedgwick and 
Thomas Strickland, both of which persons were mentioned in her 

374 Lady Anne. 

There is an interesting Elizabethan deed with the Great Seal, a 
charter of 1585 relative to one of the farms, and there is an exempli- 
fication of a fine under Oliver Cromwell, a rather unusual deed, dated 

Of later papers, it is of interest to record the fact that the inventory 

of fixtures of the hospital, dated the 24th of August, 1810, was signed 
by Thomas Holmes, the Reader, who was 'j'j years old, and had been 
forty-one years in his position, and by Sarah Crowther, the Mother, 
who was eighty-three years old, and had been twenty-four years in 
the hospital. Amongst the other documents is a letter dated the 28th 
of October, 1686, from Lord Thanet, describing a murder which had 
taken place at the Royal Oak Lottery in Fleet Street. In the same 
letter he says that the Earl of Bridgwater ^ had died on the previous 
day, and adds " Last night was a play of Alexander the Great acted 
before Their Majesties at Whitehall, Mr. Goodman," the Countess of 
Castlemaine's friend, performing the part of the great monarch, which 
he did to admiration, the Duchess of Portsmouth and most of the 
Court ladies being present." He goes on to refer to the fact that a 
pardon was preparing to pass the Great Seal supplementary to the 
late General Pardon, and then makes reference to the trunk-maker 
Percy's claim on the Earldom of Northumberland, finishing up the 
letter by sa5dng that " great preparations have been made for some 
time against the Lord Mayor's Show to-morrow, and particularly 
for building a pompos chariot wherein a maiden virgin is to sit, accord- 
ing to an old custom of the Mercers Company, one of whose members, 
djrnig many years since, bequeathed £150 portion to be given to a 
maiden * that shall ride on the triumphant chariot in any year as a 

1 John Egerton, second Earl. His death is usually (and probably in error) recorded as having 
taken place on December 26th, 1686. 

^ Cardell Goodman (1649 ?-i699). He was Polysperchon in this play called The Rival Queens 
Of Alexander the Great. He had been one of the Pages o£ the Backstairs to Charles I. before 
he took to the stage. Eventually he was the paramour of the Duchess of Cleveland but 
attempted to poison two of her children and being detected was heavily fined. 

' Lord Thanet was not quite correct in this statement. The Lord Mayor in 1686 was certainly 
a Mercer. He was Sir John Peake, who represented at first the Ward of Billingsgate, and then 
the Ward of Bridge Without, and who had been Sherifi ten years previously, when he wa, 
knighted. He was Master of the Mercer's Company in the year that he was Lord Mayors 
was President of Christ's Hospital in 1687, and died in 1688. The " Virgin " did take a pro- 
minent part in the pageant that year, and is described as having been " a young beautiful 
gentlewoman of good parentage, religious education, and unblemished reputation." She is 

The Almshouses. 375 

member of their company is sworn Lord Mayor. This maiden now 
chosen," he says, "is said to be a country parson's daughter, her 
father having seven children." 

Lady Anne erected a hospital at Appleby in similar fashion to the 
one founded by her mother, and this was incorporated by Royal 
Charter of 13th Charles II.* under the title of the Hospital of St. Anne 
of Appleby. The charter runs on much the same Unes as that already 
referred to granted by Queen Elizabeth to the Countess of Cumberland. 
It states that Lady Anne had told the King that near to Appleby 
there were very many women decrepit and broken down by old age, 
who were " supported by begging their bread, and being without 
any Receptacle or Relief, lead an idle and vagrant life." It goes on 
to say that the Countess, being moved with pity, and desiring to 
" provide for such poor women," who, on account of their " great 
old age, and great debility of body," are not able to " gain their food 
and clothing by labour," desires to found in the town of Appleby, 
" a hospital of thirteen " of them, and beseeches the king that he 
would condescend to make and establish the hospital which she 
proposed to erect. The King consents thereto, and by his charter 
constitutes the mother and sisters in the same way as his predecessor 
constituted the mother and sisters at Beamsley, into a body incor- 
porate, with perpetual succession, power to sue and be sued, and grants 
the charter with the use of a common seal without fees. The common 
seal is stiU in existence, and is an exceedingly fine piece of engraving. 
It is inscribed : — 

referred to in Taylor's History of the Twelve Great Companies (see Vol. i., pp. 255-259) ; and 
in Taubman's Pageant of 1686 and Elkanah Settle's Pageant of 1701 the maiden chariots 
are fully described. Considerable importance was attached to the selection of the Virgin, 
which was made by a committee appointed for the purpose, but there was no bequest to the 
Mercers' Company for the £150 portion, so far as can be ascertained, and there is no bequest 
of that kind at present in the possession of the Company. The Mercers were, however, in the 
habit of making a handsome present to the girl who was selected to take part in the pageant, 
and that custom, it is understood, is still in force. There has not, however, been a Lord Mayor 
selected from the Mercer's Company since Nathaniel Newnham, who was the last member 
of the Company who became a member of the Court of Aldermen, in which, for more than 
four centuries, 1298-1711, it was only unrepresented for the brief space of three months. 
Alderman Newnham was Lord Mayor in 1782-3, and Master of his Company in 1786. 

* It should be noted that the hospital was founded in 1650, but the Charter was not obtained 
till 1661 as Lady Anne disdained to apply to or recognise Cromwell and waited till the Res- 

376 Lady Anne. 

the seale of the mother and 12 sisters of the alms- 
house in applebie in the countie of westmerland, 
which was founded, built, and lands purchased for it 
in 165i-1652 by ye lady anne, baroness clifford, 
westmerland and vescie, countess dowager of 
dorsett, pembrooke and mountgomerie. god be praised. 

On the seal are two shields of arms, each surmounted by an Earl's 
coronet, one of Clifford impaling Vipont, and the other of Chfford 
impaling Russell. 

It has been stated that a similar seal, probably even finer in work- 
manship, had been prepared for Beamsley hospital, and that Lady 
Anne's seal for Appleby was to a great extent a copy of the Beamsley 
one. Unfortunately, however, the Beamsley seal has been lost for 
more than a generation, and I have been unable even to find 
any deed bearing the impression of it, from which the necessary 
details could be obtained. As might be expected, the deeds possessed 
by the trustees of the Beamsley hospital, are the counterparts, bearing 
other seals, and the ones which would have borne the Beamsley seal 
are doubtless in the possession of one or two families to whom at 
different times charges in connection with the hospital have been 
transferred. When the sale of land to Lord Harewood took place, 
the lawyers found that it was necessary for a seal to be attached to 
the deed giving the consent of the Mother and Sisters, and as the old 
seal was not in existence, and had not been required for a very long 
space of time, a new one was made, but it is of quite unimportant 
character, and simply bears an inscription stating that it is the seal 
of Beamsley Hospital. On the other hand, the silver seal for the 
Appleby almshouses is in excellent condition, unusually large, and a 
fine piece of contemporary engraving. It is contained in its original 

Some years after the almshouse was opened, the Royal Charter 
came to hand, and Lady Anne tells in her diary that on the loth of 
September, 1661, she sent down to the almshouse " the King's Letters 
Patents under the Great Seale of England for making the sayd 
Almeshouse a Corporation, being a perpetuitie granted to me for 
the founda'con thereof, dated at Westminster the 2nd day of the last 

The Almshouses. 377 

month, which was now layed up in the Chest or tmnk in the Mother's 
chamber there, under lock and key, to be kept amongst the rest of 
the writeings and Evidences concerning the founda'con of the sayd 
almeshouse, and the Landes of St. Nicholas neare Applebie and the 
Mannor of Brougham, w)'hich I purchased for the maintenance thereof." 

The site of the hospital was bought by Lady Anne from a certain 
Mr. Geoige Bainbrigg " of Appulby " on the 31st of December, 1650, 
at a cost of £36, and the conveyance deed describes the purchased 
premises in full, and explains that the piece of land contained by 
estimation about an acre, and that it abutted upon the river Eden 
upon the one side, and upon the main street of Appleby upon the 
other. The whole of the existing buildings upon the piece of land 
were pulled down, and Lady Anne erected on the site the various 
buildings as they exist to-day, one three-roomed dwelling for the 
Mother, and twelve dwellings, each with two rooms, for the twelve 
Sisters, all of them set round a court-yard, well and skilfully built. 

There was also erected a wash-house, to be used by all the Sisters 
in common, and in the extreme left corner a chapel. In the rear of 
the dwellings is a large garden, and in the centre of the court-yard 
a circular flower-bed, while similar flower beds are set close to the 
doors of each of the dwellings. There is a series of interesting heraldic 
achievements carved in sandstone on the exterior of the various 
houses, the shields, in most cases, set fairly close to the side 
of the entrance doors. The carving of each is bold and clear. 
Against house No. i are the arms of Clifford impaling Herbert, 
Gules, three lions rampant or. Against house No. 3 the arms of Robert 
de Vipont who married Idonea, the daughter of John de Busby, 
Gules 6 annulets or impaUng gules a cinquefoil or pierced of the field. 
Against No. 6 are the arms of John de Vipont in the time of Henry III., 
who married Sibella the daughter of William, Eari Ferrers, and who 
therefore impaled, argent six horseshoes sable for Ferris or Ferrers. 
Against No. 7 are the arms of Robert de Vipont, who died in 1264, 
and who married Isabella the sister and co-heir of Richard Fitzpeter 
or Fitz Geoffrey. He impaled quarterly or and gules, with a border 
vair azure and or. Against No. 8 are the arms of John the 9th Lord 
Clifford, who died in 1461, and who married Margaret, the -daughter 
and heir of Henry Bromflete, Lord Vesey, and impaled for her, sable 

378 Lady Anne. 

a bend flory-counter-flory or. Against No. 9 are the arms of Henry, 
the tenth Lord Clifford, who died in 1523, and married Anne the 
daughter of Sir John St. John of Bletso, incorrectly blazoned as 
" impaling argent on a chief gules two mullets or and beneath a bend 
gules." The bend should not have appeared in this coat. Against 
No. 10 are the arms of the eleventh Lord Clifford, first Earl of Cum- 
berland, who died in 1542, and who married Margaret Percy, and 
impaled a quarterly coat, i and 4 or a lion rampant azure 2 and 3 
gules three luces hauriant argent. On No. 12 are the arms of Thomas 
8th Lord CUfford, who married Joan the daughter of Thomas Lord 
Dacre of Gillesland and he impaled her arms gules three escallops 
argent, while against No. 14 are the arms of Richard third Earl of 
Dorset, the first husband of Lady Anne, impaling quarterly or and 
gules a bend vair azure and argent. 

The entrance gate-way leading into the courtyard is new, having 
been erected by the late Lady Hothfield, but it replaces a some- 
what similar gate-way which existed in earUer days, and above 
it are two shields, one of Vipont impaling CUfford, and the other of 
Clifford impaliag Russell, the latter being the arms of Lady Anne's 
mother. The coat of arms on the new doorway are those of the Earl 
of Dorset bearing Lady Anne's arms on an escutcheon of pretence, 
and a similar one of the Earl of Pembroke's, bearing her arms in similar 

The chapel is interesting, the pulpit clearly belonging to the period 
of the original building, the oak work wrought with an adze, and in 
good condition. In the chapel stands the splendid brass nailed box 
which Lady Anne sent over to the almshouse, for the reception of 
the deeds and papers belonging to it. They are not now kept in this 
chest, but in a substantial iron safe, but the original box is an unusually 
good example of the workmanship of the period, and bears a long 
inscription in brass nails, stating that it was the gift of Lady Anne 
to the almshouse in 1655. It has two locks, and is boimd at the sides 
and the comers with wrought iron. On the walls are painted various 
texts of Scripture and the Ten Commandments, but all these tablets 
are of very much later date than the chapel itself, and belong, in all 
probability, to the time of George II. Early in Queen Victoria's 
time, however, the walls of the chapel were cleaned and some of the 

The Almshouses. 379 

whitewash was removed. There was found revealed upon the wall 
a portion of the original decoration of the time of Lady Anne, showing 
beneath the later Georgian tablets. In all probability, the same 
texts and moral maxims appeared on the walls as at present, but the 
tablets containing them were larger and bolder, and the lettering of 
a better character than is to be found in the tablets that can now be 

Lady Anne took considerable interest in the erection of this alms- 
house. She tells us in her diary in 1651, on the three and twentieth 
day of April, ' I was present at the layinge of the first foundation 
stone of my Almeshouse or HospitaU here in Aplebie Towne, for 
which I purchased Lanes, the Mannour of Brough the 4th dale of 
Februarie following and the landes called St. Nicholas nere Aplebie 
the twentie njmth dale of December in 1652, which Wcis finished in 
Jan. and March 1653." Further on, she refers to the fact that the 
almshouse was quite finished, and the Mother and twelve Sisters were 
placed in it, in January and February, 1653. 

From one of the lost documents, the small quarto volume referred 
to in my chapter on the diary, I learn that in the beginning of the 
summer of 1653, Lady Anne put into her almshouse, twelve poor 
women, eleven of them widows, and the twelfth ' a maimed Maid 
and the mother a minister's widdow." After George Sedgwick 
became her Secretary he was able to recommend to his patron a certain 
Mrs. Gilbert Nelson, a widow, whose husband had been his school- 
master, and very kind to him in his youth. Lady Anne appointed 
her as the Mother at the almshouse and took one of her daughters 
into her employment as one of her own maids. George Sedgwick 
speaks of this kindness in terms of the utmost gratitude. 

The property with which it was endowed was not, as she states in 
her diary, the manor of Brough, and the lands called St. Nicholas, 
for the clerk who wrote out the diary has made a slight mistake in 
the word Brough, because the manor which was purchased was the 
manor of Brougham, and he has omitted the two final letters of the 
word. It included a mansion house and other lands known as 
Brougham Hall, and various lands round about it, and had been 
purchased by Lady Aime from James Browne, late of Brougham, 
but the charge in the first trust deed was not only in favour of the 

380 Lady Anne. 

almshouses which she had erected, but also in favour of a certain 
pajraient of £4 a year to the poor of the parish of Brougham in con- 
nection with the pillar which Lady Anne erected, and to which we 
refer in another chapter. The trust deed purports to convey the 
whole of the manor of Brougham to the trustees, but, as a matter of 
actual fact, the interest which J^ady Anne had purchased in the manor, 
only extended to one third of it, the remaining thirds being in the 
hands of the Bird family. In 1676, an exchange was effected with 
regard to this manor, whereby, for a sum of money and a silver cup,^ 
James Bird of Brougham, who w£is then one of Lady Anne's Stewards, 
and who owned the other two-third parts of the manor, acquired the 
remainder, and by an indenture dated September 27th, 1676, he 
granted a perpetual rent charge of £4 a year out of certain lands at 
Yanwath, to provide the pUlar charity just mentioned. The residue 
of the Brougham land continued in the hands of the trustees until 
1891 and then it was sold to the present Lord Brougham, for a sam of 
about ;^9,ooo, which is now invested in Consols. 

The other property which Lady Anne purchased for her almshouse, 
and which she calls the lands called St. Nicholas, are more clearly 
defined in the trust deed as " the late dissolved Hospital Farm or 
Grange of St. Nicholas near Appleby " which she " bought from WiUiam 
Fielding of Startforth in the County of York, and of Susan his 
wife." These were lands which prior to the dissolution of the 
monasteries had belonged to the Abbey of Shap, to whom they 
were given by John de Veteripont for the maintenance of three lepers. 
After the dissolution, the lands were granted by Henry VIII. to Thomas 
Lord Wharton, and were sold in the 12th year of King James, by 
Philip, Lord Wharton and Sir Thomas Wharton his son to a certain 
Israel Fielding for £700. Lady Anne, when she bought them, on 
December 30th, 1652, gave £900 for them. There was at one time 
something of the nature of a chapel standing on the lands, as it is 
referred to in a survey taken in the 42nd year of Elizabeth, when the 
chapel, which up to that time had been a hay house, was ordered to 
be made into the dwelling house of the land, as the dwelling itself 
had been destroyed. These St. Nicholas lands still belong to the 

' See Chapter xvii., page 310. 

The Almshouses. 381 

charity. At the end of the seventeenth century they were let for 
£44 a year, and now bring in an income of nearly 1^350 a year.® 

Similar regiilations to those made by her mother were made by 
Lady Anne on May i6th, 1653, for the management of her own alms- 
house, the wording being slightly different. She ordered as definitely 
as did her mother that none of the Sisters should lie out of the house 
without leave of the Vicar of Appleby (who takes the place of the 
reader at Beamsley) and the Mother ; and that none of the Sisters' 
children or grandchildren or anyone else, should remain in the hospital 
without leave of the Mother, and that this leave should not be granted, 
except in the case of sickness or some other reasonable cause. She 
made the same regulations about the opening and closing of the 
almshouse, and about the cleanliness both of the court and of the 
water-courses as we have found in the Beamsley regulations, and she 
ordered the Mother to observe the orders carefully, and the Sisters 
that they are not to run in debt, and all of them, that they are to 
endeavour to hve quietly and peaceably amongst themselves, and 
then she made some arrangement about the settling of offences, referring 
it to the owner of Appleby Castle, the permanent visitor of the alms- 
house, whose decision was to be final. There is also a similar arrange- 
ment about forfeiting a fortnight's allowance for a first offence, and 
about expulsion for a second. In short, the orders which she made 
and signed on the i8th of May, 1653, are still in existence, and are 
those now observed. A few additions have been made to them to 
the effect that the Sisters must not be allowed to let rooms, and that 
no trade or calling shall be exercised in the hospital, and that if either 
the Mother or Sisters marry, they shall cease to be entitled to the 
benefits of the charity, while the regulation as to forfeiting the fort- 
night's allowance, and dividing the money between the informer and 
the poor of the place, has been varied, and in lieu of it there are definite 
instructions that if either of the Sisters are guilty of wilful disobedience 
or other offence, they may be removed by the Visitor, whose decision 
is to be final. The original orders, signed and sealed by Lady Anne, 
are still in existence, and with them are all the important documents 

' I am indebted to the then Mayor of Appleby, Mr. Alex Heelis, for much of the bformation 
contained in this narrative, for facihties afforded me in examining deeds and papers and also 
permission to quote from his paper on the Almshouses read at Appleby, September loth, 1908, 

282 Lady Anne. 

relative to the foundation of the charity. It is now regulated under 
a scheme of the Charity Commissioners, made in 1871, and in addition 
to having their habitations free from rent, rates, taxes and repairs, 
each of the Sisters receives £30 a year, a plot of garden ground, free 
medical attendance, medicine and food, as may be prescribed in time 
of sickness, and the Mother has £5 a year more than the other alms- 
women. There is a small sum given to the Vicar of Appleby, who 
acts as chaplain of the hospital, and who reads prayers in the chapel 
every morning, and a substantial siim also is allotted for providing 
coal for each of the almswomen. 

The original trustees were many in number, and included Mr. 
Howard of Naworth Castle, Sir Francis Howard of Corby Castle, 
Sir Phihp Musgrave of Hartley Castle, Sir Thomas Sandford of Howgill 
Castle, Sir John Lowther of Lowther Castle, and representatives of 
the families of Dalston, Dudley, Crackenthorpe, and others, together 
with the Mayor of Appleby, but although they were the holders of the 
hospital lands, they had no power to part with any of them, without 
the consent of the Mother and Sisters, as testified by their seal, the 
actual possession of the lands being in the hands of the body corporate 
and politic, the commonalty incorporate for ever, which is constituted 
by the charter in the name of the Mother and Sisters. The right of 
nomination, however, was settled by Lady Anne to rest in the hands 
of the owner of Appleby Castle, and in the hands of the present owner 
it still remains. The present trustees, fifteen in number, are practically 
the descendants of all the various persons who were originally nom- 
inated as trustees of the charity, and the3' have been given under the 
new Charity Commissioners' scheme full liberty to use the corporate 
name and the common seal of the hospital, for all such purposes as 
they shall think fit. 

Lady Anne was exceedingly interested in this hospital. She visited 
it many times, and gave personal attention to the Sisters and to the 
consideration of their difiiculties, and to the settlement of their 
squabbles. In her will in 1674, she specially mentions it, and requests 
that her daughter should not in any way interfere with the lands 
which she had bought and settled for the maintenance of the " Mother, 
Reader and twelve Sisters for ever in the almshouse at Appleby which 
I paused to be built there in the year 16^1, 1652 and 165^." 

The Almshouses. 383 

In the same will, she refers to another charity which should be 
mentioned in this chapter. She purchased a house and some lands 
called Kittigarth at Temple Sowerby, which in her time yielded a 
yearly rent of £7, and presented this house and lands to the Borough 
of Appleby, desiring that the income should be spent on repairs for 
the church, and on the repairs of the tombs of her mother and herself 
in the church, and that any surplus income should be expended on 
repairs to the Grammar School house, the Moot Hall, and Appleby 
Bridge. The deed of endowment is dated the 2nd of February, 1656, 
and it would appear that she expected that the value of the land 
would increase, otherwise she would not have mentioned so many 
objects upon which its income was to be expended. The income is 
stiU devoted to the repairs of the church, the two tombs and the 
Grammar School, but it is seldom indeed that there is a sufficient 
surplus to spend anything upon the Hall or the Bridge. There have, 
however, in past years, been occasional opportunities of this expen- 
diture. She particularly requests her daughter in her wiU, not to 
interfere with this property and she also refers to the endowment for 
the pillar, to which I give fuUer reference in another chapter. Some 
of the accmnulated funds of this charity were of great service when 
the Grammar School in Appleby was rebuilt and an amount of nearly 
£1,000 was available for the assistance of the school on its new site. 

Finally, it would be well to notice what she did for Mallerstang 
Chapel (as she calls it) near to her castle of Pendragon. In 1662, she 
came to the conclusion that the church was in a serious condition, 
and needing extensive repair, and on the 20th of February of that 
year she received an estimate from a builder, slater and glazier, for 
the carrying out of the work. This estimate is still in existence, 
and the total sum amounts to £46 15s. 6d., probably equivalent to 
about ;^i8o at the present day. The estimate is not given in very 
close detail, but the expenditure is lumped together. The work was 
carried out, and then came the question of some sort of endowment 
for the old chapel, which had been left by her predecessors to go 
into disrepair, and had been wholly neglected, and therefore 
on the 22nd of November, 1667, s